HAROLD B. LEE LIBRARY
BRIGHAM YOUNG UNIVERSI-Pr
PROVO, UTAH
\
I
?T
7 277
L2^^ THE HBIMSKRINGLA;
OB,
CHRONICLE
OF
THE KINGS OF NORWAY.
TRANSLATED
FROM THE ICELANDIC OF SNORRO STURLESON,
?EBit]b a ^tdiminarg Bissettation,
BY
SAMUEL LAING, ESQ.
AUTHOR or " A RESIDENCE IN NORWAY," " A TOUR IN SWEDEN,"
" NOTES OF A TRAVELLER," ETC.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1844.
NOTICE.
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HAROLD B. LEE LIBRAf^ ■
BRIQHAM YOUNG UNIVERSIT '
PROVG. U . .^.H
PREFACE.
It is of importance to English history to have, in the
English language, the means of judging of the social
and intellectual state — of the institutions and literature
— of a people who during 300 years bore an important,
and for a great portion of that time a predominant
part, not merely in the wars, but in* the legislation of
England ; who occupied a very large proportion of the
country, and were settled in its best lands in such
numbers as to be governed by their own, not by Anglo-
Saxon laws ; and who undoubtedly must be the fore-
fathers of as large a proportion of the present English
nation as the Anglo-Saxons themselves, and of a
much larger proportion than the Normans. These
Northmen have not merely been the forefathers of
the people,' but of the institutions and character of the
nation, to an extent not sufficiently considered by our
historians. Civihsed or not in comparison with the
Anglo-Saxons, the Northmen must have left the in-
fluences of their character, institutions, barbarism or
culture, among their own posterity. They occupied
one third of all England for many generations, under
their own Danish laws ; and for half a century nearly,
immediately previous to the Norman conquerors, they
A 2
IV PREFACE.
held the supreme government of the country. It is
doing good service in the fields of literature to place
the English reader in a position to judge for himself
of the influence which the social arrangements and
spirit of these Northmen may have had on the national
character, and free institutions which have grown up
among us from elements planted by them, or by the
Anglo-Saxons. This translation of Snorro Sturleson's
Chronicle of the Kings of Norway will place the
English reader in this position. He will see what
sort of people these Northmen were who conquered
and colonised the kingdoms of Northumberland, East
Anglia, and other districts, equal to one third of all
England at that time, and who lived under their own
laws in that portion of England ; and he will see what
their institutions and social spirit were at home,
whether these bear any analogy to what sprung up in
England afterwards, and whether to them or to the
Anglo-Saxon race we are most indebted for our na-
tional character and free constitution of government.
The translator of Snorro Sturleson^s Chronicle hopes,
too, that his labour will be of good service in the
fields of literature, by bringing before the English
public a work of great literary merit, — one which the
poet, or the reader for amusement, may place in his
library, as well as the antiquary and reader of English
history.
The translator can lay claim to no considerable know-
ledge of or great familiarity with the Icelandic. To
get at the meaning and spirit of the text in any way
was his main object ; and where he met difliculties,
which generally lay only in his own ignorance, he
PREFACE. V
spared no labour in collating the passages he was in
doubt about with the Swedish translation in Pering-
skiold's edition of the work, — with the Danish trans-
lation in the edition begun 1777 by Schoning under
the auspices of the Danish government, and finished
in 1826 by Thorlacius and "Werlaug, in 6 vols, folio, —
and with the excellent translation of it into Norse by
M. Jacob Aal, published in quarto, in 1838, at Chris-
tiania. His notes and explanations are derived mostly
from these sources, and principally from M. Jacob Aal's
work: and where from his imperfect acquaintance
with the Icelandic he found difficulties in the text,
especially in the Scaldic poetry, which is often very ob-
scure, he had recourse to M. Jacob Aal's translation as
the best guide to the meaning and spirit of the original.
That gentleman, as the last effort of a long life spent
in commercial and literary pursuits, has translated
Snorro Sturleson's Chronicle, and the Sagas of the
succeeding times down to the end of Hakon Hakons-
son's reign in 1263, for the use of the Norwegian pea-
santry. He remembered in his youth that these his-
tories, although in the old and almost obsolete language
of Peter Clausson's translation of 1599, were a house-
book read at the fireside of almost every peasant in
Norway ; and at a great expense he has published a
new translation of them into Norse, and has placed
the book, at a merely nominal price considering its
magnificence, again within reach of his countrymen.
In the present translation the object has been to make
it, like M. Jacob Aal's, not merely a work for the
antiquary, but for theordinary reader of history, — for
the common man.
VI PREFACE.
The translator believes, also, that it opens up a
new and rich field of character and incident, in
which the reader who seeks amusement only will find
much to interest him. The adventure's, manners,
mode of living, characters, and conversations of these
sea-kings, are highly dramatic, in Snorro's work at
least; and are told with a racy simplicity and truth-
fulness of language which the translator cannot flatter
himself with having attained or preserved. All he
can say for his work is, that any translation is better
than none ; and others may be stimulated by it to
enter into the same course of study, who may do
more justice to a branch of literature scarcely known
among us.
Edinburgh, 1844.
CONTENTS
OF
THE FIRST VOLUME.
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.
Page
Chapter I.
Of the Literature and Intellectual Condition of the Northmen 1
Chapter II.
Of the Religion of the Northmen - - - - 69
Chapter III.
Of the Social Condition of the Northmen - - - 95
Chapter IV.
State of the Useful Arts among the Northmen - - 130
Chapter V.
Of the Discovery of Greenland and America by the North-
men *------ 141
Memoir of Snorro Sturleson - - - - 188
THE HEIMSKRINGLA.
Preface of Snorro Sturleson - . - - - 211
SAGA I.
Ynglinga Saga, or the Story of the Yngling Family from Odin
to Halfdan the Black - - - - - 216
SAGA II.
Halfdan the Black's Saga - - - - - 262
Vlll CONTENTS.
SAGA III. PAGE
Harald Haarfager's Saga - - - - - 271
SAGA IV.
Hakon the Good's Saga - - - - 314
SAGA V.
Saga of King Harald Greyskin, and of Earl Hakon son of
Sigurd - - - - - - - 349
SAGA VI.
King Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga _ _ « . 367
THE
HEIMSKRINGLA
OB,
CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF NORWAY.
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.
CHAPTER L
OF THE LITERATURE AND INTELLECTUAL CONDITION OF
THE NORTHMEN.
Snorro Sturleson's Heimskrhipia is a work known p^^ELiivr
to few English readers. Heimskringla — the world's
circle — being the first prominent word of the manu-
script that catches the eye, has been quaintly used by
the northern antiquaries to designate the work itself.
One may well imagine that the librarian, or the scholar,
in the midst of the rolls and masses of parchments of
the great public and private libraries of Copenhagen
and Stockholm, has found his advantage in this simple
way of directing an unlettered assistant to the skin he
wishes to unfold. It is likely that the illuminated
initial letters of ancient manuscripts, and of the early
printed books, may have had their origin in a similar
use or convenience in the monastic libraries of the
middle ages. Snorro himself is guiltless of this pe-
dantic conceit ; for he calls his work the Saga or Story
of the Kings of Norway. It is in reality a chronicle,
or rather a connected series of memoirs, of kings and
VOL. I. B
Chai-. I.
i
2 CHRONICLE OF THE
DESSERT ^^^^^ personages, and of the events in which they
have been engaged in Norway, Denmark, Sweden,
England, and other countries, from those early ages
in which mythology and history are undistinguishably
blended together, down to the period nearly of Snorro
Sturleson's o^vn birth, to 1178. Snorro begins with
Odin and the half-fabulous tales of the Yngling
dynasty, and, showing more judgment than many of
the modern Saga scholars and antiquaries, passes ra-
pidly over these as an unavoidable introduction to
authentic historical times and narratives. From the
middle of the 9th century, from Halfdan the Black,
who reigned from about the year 841 to about 863,
do^vn to Magnus Erlingsson, who reigned from about
1162 to 1184, he gives a continuous narrative of events
and incidents in public and private life, very descrip-
tive and characteristic of the men and manners of those
times, — of the deeds of bold and bloody sea-kings, —
of their cruises, of their forays, of their adventures,
battles, conquests in foreign lands, — - and of their home
fireside lives also; and he gives, every now and then,
very graphic delineations of the domestic manners,
way of thinking, acting, and living in those ages ; very
striking traits of a semi-barbarous state of mind, in
which rapacity, cruelty, and bloody ferocious doings,
are not unfrequently lightened up by a ray of high
and generous feeling ; and he gives too, every now
a,nd then, very natural touches of character, and
scenes of human action, and of the working of the
human mind, which are, in truth, highly dramatic.
In rapid narrative of the stirring events of the wild
Viking life, — of its vicissitudes, adventures, and ex-
ploits,— in extraordinary yet not improbable incidents
and changes in the career of individuals, — in touches
true to nature, — and in the admirable management ot
his story, in which episodes, apparently the most un-
connected with his subject, come in by and by, at the
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
ri2:lit moment, as most essential parts of it, — Snorro treltm.
Sturleson stands as far above Yille Hardouin, Joinville,
or Froissart, as they stand above the monkish chro-
niclers who preceded them. His true seat in the
Valhalla of European literature is on the same bench
— however great the distance between — on the same
bench with Shakspeare, Carlysle, and Scott, as a dra-
matic historian ; for his Harald Haarfager, his Olaf
Tryggvesson, his Olaf the Saint, are in reality great
historical dramas, in which these wild energetic per-
sonages, their adherents and their opponents, are
presented working, acting, and speaking before you.
This high estimate of the literary merit of Snorro
Sturleson' s work will scarcely pass unquestioned by
English readers, — accustomed indeed to hear of the
Anglo-Saxon literature, language, and institutions, as
of great importance to the historian and antiquary,
and as a study necessary for those who wish to become
perfectly acquainted with our o^^al, but who would
never discover from the pages of Hume, or of any
other of our historical writers, that the northern
pagans who, in the ninth and tenth centuries, ravaged
the coasts of Europe, sparing neither age, sex, nor
condition — respecting neither churches, monasteries,
nor their inmates — conquering Normandy, Northum-
berland (then reckoned, with East-Anglia, equal to one
third of all England) — and, under Swein and Canute
the Great, conquering and ruling over the whole of
England, — were a people possessing any literature at
all, or any laws, institutions, arts, or manners con-
necting them with civilised life. Our historians have
conhned themselves for information entirely to the
records and chronicles of the Anglo-Saxon monks,
who, from their convent walls, saw with horror and
dismay the bands of these bloodthirsty pagans roving
through the country, ravaging, burning, and mur-
dering ; and who naturally represent them as the
B 2
4 CHRONICLE OF TTTE
^Jt^i^L'^- niost ferocious and imorant of barbarians, and with-
out any tincture of civilisation. Our historians and
CwAP. I. . *^
their readers are apt to forget altogether that, pagan
and barbarian as these Danes or Northmen of the
9th and 10th centuries undoubtedly were, they were
the same people, only in a different stage of civilis-
ation, as the Anglo-Saxons themselves, and were in
the 10th century, in their social state, institutions,
laws, religion, and language, what the Anglo-Saxons
had been in the 5th century, when they first landed
on the Isle of Thanet. They forget, too, that the
introduction of Christianity, and with it of the Latin
language, and of the learning which had a reference
only to the church, and the introduction of social
arrangements, establishments, and ideas of polity and
government, cast in one mould for all countries of
Christendom by the Romish church, had during these
five centuries altered, exhausted, and rendered almost
efi'ete, the original spirit and character of Anglo-Saxon
social institutions. They do not sufiiciently consider
the powerful moral influence of this fresh infusion, in
the 10th century, of the same spirit, from the same
original source, upon the character, ideas, and even
forms of government and social arrangements of the
whole English population in the subsequent genera-
tions, and through them upon the whole of modern
society. They do not sufiiciently appreciate the
social efi^ects of the settlements of these Northmen in
England immediately previous to the Norman con-
quest, when for four generations of kings, viz. Swein,
Canute, Harald, and Hardicanute, they had been sole
masters of the country, and had possessed and held
under their own Danish laws, for many previous gene-
rations, what was reckoned equal to one third of all
England. The renovation of Anglo-Saxon institu-
tions, the revival of principles and social spirit which
were exhausted in the old Anglo-Saxon race, may be
KINGS OF NORWAY. I
traced to this fresh mfusion from the comate northern p|^elim.
'—' D lob hilt I.
people. This sabject is very curious and important.
Two nations only have left permanent impressions
of their laws, civil polity, social arrangements, spirit,
and character, on the civilised communities of modern
times — the Romans, and the handful of northern people
from the countries beyond the Elbe which had never
submitted to the Roman yoke, who, issuing in small
piratical bands from the 5th to the 10th century, under
the name of Saxons, Danes, Northmen,- plundered, con-
quered, and settled on every European coast from the
White Sea to Sicily. Under whatever name, Goths,
Visigoths, Franks, Anglo-Saxons, Danes, or Northmen,
these tribes appear to have been all of one original
stock, — to have been one people in the spirit of their
religion, laws, institutions, manners, and languages,
only in different stages of civilisation, and the same
people whom Tacitus describes. But in Germany
the laws and institutions derived from, the Roman
power, or formed under it after the Roman empire
became Christianized, had buried all the original prin-
ciples of Teutonic arrangements of society as described
by Tacitus ; and in France the name was almost all
that remained of Frank derivation. All the original
and peculiar character, spirit, and social institutions
of the first inundation of this Germanic population,
had become diluted and merged under the church
government of Rome, — when a second wave of popu-
lations from the same pagan north inundated again,
in the 9th and 10th centuries, the shores of Chris-
tendom. Wheresoever this people from beyond the
pale and influence of the old Roman empire, and of
the later church empire of Rome, either settled,
mingled, or marauded, they have left permanent traces
in society of their lav/s, institutions, character, and
spirit. Pagan and barbarian as they were, they seem
to have carried with them something more natural,
B 3
Chap. I.
Chap. I.
6 CHRONICLE OF THE
dTIsert, something more suitable to the social wants of man,
than the laws and institutions formed under the
Eoman power. What traces have we in Britain of the
Romans? A few military roads, and doubtful sites
of camps, posts, and towns, — a few traces of public
works, and all indicating a despotic military occupa-
tion of the country, and none a civilised condition of
the mass of the inhabitants, — alone remain in England
to tell the world that here the Roman power flourished
during four hundred years.
In every province of the ancient Roman empire,
even in Italy itself, the remains of Roman power are
of the same character — whether those remains be of
material objects, as edifices, public works, roads, tem-
ples, statues — or of moral objects, as law, government,
religion, and social arrangement ; and that character
is of a hard iron despotism, in which all human rights,
all individual existence in wellbeing, all the objects
for which man enters into social union with his fellow-
man, are disregarded in favour of ruling classes or
establishments in the social body, noble, military, or
clerical. The Saxon occupation of England lasted
for a similar period to the Roman, for about four hun-
dred years. This first wave of the flood of northern
populations has left among us traces of laws and in-
stitutions, and of a social character and spirit, in which
many outlines of freedom and of just principles of
social union are distinguishable ; and left the influences
on the social body of ideas, manners, language, which
still exist. But these traces were nearly obliterated, and
it is not to be denied that their influence on society was
efl'ete, — that in Anglo-Saxon England, as in the rest
of Europe, all social arrangement, character, and spirit
were assuming one shape and hue under the pressure
of superstition, and of the Roman power, institutions,
and ascendency, revived through the influence of the
church of Rome which had been in full operation for
DISSERT.
ChaF. I.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
four centuries and a half, assimilating every thing to Jfgl^iM.
one form and principle, — when the second wave of the
northern populations, the Danes or Northmen, came,
under Swein and Canute the Great, to invigorate and
renew the social elements left by the first. The moral
power of this people — the Anglo-Saxons and North-
men being essentially the same people — has left deeper
impressions on society, and of a nobler character, than
the despotic material power of the Romans. It is in
activity at the present hour in European society, in-
troducing into every country more just ideas than
those which grew up amidst the ruins of the Roman
empire, of the social relations of the governing and
the governed. The history of modern civilisation
resolves itself, in reality, into the history of the moral
influences of these two nations. All would have been
Roman in Europe at this day in principle and social
arrangement, — Europe would have been, like Russia
or Turkey, one vast den of slaves, with a few rows in
its amphitheatre of kings, nobles, and churchmen,
raised above the dark mass of humanity beneath them,
if three boats from the north of the Elbe had not
landed at Ebbsfleet in the Isle of Thanet fourteen
hundred years ago, and been followed by a succession
of similar boat expeditions of the same people, ma-
rauding, conquering, and settling, during six hundred
years, viz. from 449 to 1066. All that men hope for
of good government and future improvement in their
physical and moral condition — all that civilised men
enjoy at this day of civil, religious, and political liberty
— the British constitution, representative legislature,
the trial by jury, security of property, freedom of
mind and person, the influence of public opinion over
the conduct of public afikirs, the Reformation, the
liberty of the press, the spirit of the age — all that is
or has been of value to man in modern times as a
member of society, either in Europe or in the New
B 4
Chap. I.
8 CHRONICLE OF THE
disIert" ^"^orld, may be traced to the spark left burning upon
our shores by these northern barbarians.
Our English writers and readers direct their atten-
tion too exclusively to the Anglo-Saxon branch of
this great Teutonic race of people, and scarcely ac-
knowledge the social influence of the admixture of
their Danish conquerors, — of that fresh infusion in
the 10th century, from the same original stock, of the
original spirit, character, and social institutions. The
schoolman and the political antiquary find it classical
or scholarlike to trace up to obscure intimations, in
the treatise of Tacitus on the ancient Germans, the
origin of parliaments, trial by jury, and all other free
institutions, assuming somewhat gratuitously that the
seafaring Saxons, who, four hundred years after the
days of Tacitus, crossed the sea from the countries
north of the Elbe, and conquered England, were
identical in laws and social institutions with the forest
Germans on the Rhine whom Tacitus describes ; and
forgetting that a much nearer and more natural source
of all the social elements they are tracing back to the
forests of Germany in the time of Agricola, was to be
found in full vigour among the people who had con-
quered and colonised the kingdoms of Northumberland
and East Anglia, reckoned equal then to one third of
England, and had held them for several generations,
and who conquered and raled over all England for
nearly half a century immediately previous to its final
conquest by their oavq Norman kinsmen. The spirit,
character, and national vigour of the old Anglo-Saxon
branch of this people, had evidently become extinct
under the influence and pressure of the church of
Rome upon the energies of the human mind. This
abject state of the mass of the old Christianised Anglo-
Saxons, is evident from the trifling resistance they made
to the small piratical bands of Danes or Northmen
who infested and settled on their coasts. It is evident
KINGS OF NOltWAY.
9
Chap. I.
that the people had neither energy to fight, nor pro- l^f^^^^
perty, laws, or institutions to defend, and were merely
serfs on the land of nobles, or of the church, who had
nothing to lose by a change of masters. It is to the
renewal of the original institutions, social condition,
and spirit of Anglo-Saxon society, by the fresh infusion
of these Danish conquerors into a very large propor-
tion of the whole population in the 11th century —
and not to the social state of the forest Germans in
the 1st century — that we must look- for the actual
origin of our national institutions, character, and
principles of society, and for that check of the popular
opinion and will upon arbitrary rule which grew up
by degrees, shomng itself even in the first generation
after William the Conqueror, and which slowly but
necessarily produced the English constitution, laws,
institutions, and character. The same seed was no
doubt sown by the old Anglo-Saxons, and by the
Northmen — for they were originally the same people ;
but the seed of the former had perished under Eo-
mish superstition and church influence, during five
centuries in which the mind and property in every
country were subjugated to the priesthood whose
home was at Rome ; and the seed of the latter flou-
rished, because it was fresh from a land in which all
were proprietors with interests at stake, and accus-
tomed, although in a very rude and violent way, to
take a part, by Things, or assemblies of the people, in
all the acts of their government.
Some German, Anglo-American, and English writers,
with a silly vanity, and a kind of party feeling, claim
a pre-eminence of the Anglo-Saxon race among the
European people of our times, in the social, moral,
political, and religious elements of society, and even
in physical powers — in intellect and in arms. This
is the echo of a bray first heard in the forgotten con-
troversy about the authenticity of Ossian's Poems.
Chap. I.
10 CHRONICLE OF THE
PTiELiM. Pinkerton contended stoutly for the natural Intel-
DISSERT. ^ •'
lectual superiority of the Gothic over the Celtic race,
insisting that no intellectual achievement, not even
the almost physical achievement of the conquest of a
country by force of arms, was ever accomplished by
Celts. The black hair, dark eye, and dusky skin of
the small-sized Celt^ were considered by those philo-
sophers to indicate an habitation for souls less gifted
than those which usually dwell under the yellow hair,
blue eye, and fair skin of the bulky Goth. This
conceit has been revived of late in Germany, and in
America; and people talk of the superiority of the
Gothic, Germanic, or Anglo-Saxon race, as if no such
people had ever existed as the Romans, the Spaniards,
the French — no such men as Caesar, Buonaparte,
Cicero, Montesquieu, Cervantes, Ariosto, Raphael,
Michael Angelo. If the superiority they claim were
true, it would be found not to belong at all to that
branch of the one great northern race which is called
Teutonic, Gothic, Germanic, or Anglo-Saxon — for that
branch in England was, previous to the settlements of
the Danes or Northmen in the 10th and 11th cen-
turies, and is at this day throughout all Germany,
morally and socially degenerate, and all distinct and
distinguishing spirit or nationality in it dead ; but to
the small cognate branch of the Northmen or Danes,
who, between the 9th and 12th centuries brought
their paganism, energy, and social institutions, to bear
against, conquer, mingle with, and invigorate the
priest-ridden, inert descendants of the old Anglo-Saxon
race. It was not, perhaps, so much an overwhelming
number of these Northmen, as the new spirit they
brought with them, that mixed with and changed the
social elements of the countries they settled in. A
spark will set fire to a city, if it find stuiF to kindle.
This stuff was in human nature ; and these Northmen,
a handful as they were of mere barbarians, did kindle
KINGS OF NORWAY. 11
it with their spark of a free social existence, in which J^s^y^^,
all men had property or interests, and a right to a
voice in the affairs of their government and in the
enactment of their laws. It must be admitted, what-
ever we think of the alleged superiority of the Teutonic
race over the Celtic or Slavonic, that this Northern
branch has been more influential than the older Anglo-
Saxon branch of their common race on the state of
modern society in Europe. We have only to compare
En<2:land and the United States of America with
Saxony, Prussia, Hanover, or any country calling
itself of ancient Germanic or Teutonic descent, to be
satisfied that from whatever quarter civil, religious,
and political liberty, independence of mind, and free-
dom in social existence may have come, it was not
from the banks of the Rhine, or the forests of G ermany.
The social condition, institutions, laws, and litera-
ture of this vigorous, influential branch of the race,
have been too much overlooked by our historians and
political philosophers ; and this work of Snorro Sturle-
son gives us very different impressions of this branch,
in its pagan and barbarous state, from the impressions
which the contemporary Anglo-Saxon writers, and all
our historians on their authority, afford us. Let us
first look at their literature, and compare it with that
of the Anglo-Saxon of the same ages.
Our early historians, from the Venerable Bede down-
wards, however accurate in the events and dates they
record, and however valuable for this accuracy, are
undeniably the dullest of chroniclers. They were
monks, ignorant of the world beyond their convent
walls, recording the deaths of their abbots, the legends
of their founders, and the miracles of their sainted
brethren, as the most important events in history ;
the facts being stated without exercise of judgment,
or inquiry after truth, the fictions with a dull cre-
dulity unenlivened by a single gleam of genius. The
Chap. I.
12 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM. Historia Ecclesiastica venerabilis Beda3, and Asser's
DlSiSERP.
Life of Alfred, embrace the earlier portion of the
same period, viz. the latter half of the 8th century,
of which the first Sagas of the Heimskringia of Snorro
Sturleson treat. The Saxon Chronicle is a dry record
of facts and dates, ending about 1155, or about the
same period (within twenty years) at which the
Heimskringia ends. Matthew Paris begins his history
about 1057, and carries it down to about 1250, which
is supposed to be about the period of his own death.
He was a contemporary of Snorro, who was born in
1178, and murdered in Iceland in 1241. Matthew
Paris was no unlettered, obscure monk. He was ex-
pressly selected by the Pope, in 1248, for a mission
to Norway to settle some disputes among the monks
of the order of Saint Benedict, in the monastery of
Nidarholm, orMonkholm, in the diocese of Dronthiem;
and after accomplishing the object of his mission he
returned to his monastery at St. Albans. It is not to
be denied that all this connected series of Anglo-Saxon
and Anglo-Norman history, from the dissolution of the
Poman empire in Britain in the middle of the 5th
century down to the middle of the 13th century, al-
though composed by such writers of the Anglo-Saxon
population as Bede and Matthew Paris, men the most
eminent of their times for learning and literary attain-
ments among the Anglo-Saxons and their descendants,
is of the most unmitigated dulness, considered as lite-
rary or intellectual production ; and that all the histori-
cal compositions of the old Anglo-Saxon branch during
those eight centuries, either in England or in Germany,
are, with few if any exceptions, of the same leaden
character. They are also, with the exception of the
Saxon Chronicle, and of the translation into Anglo-
Saxon of Bede by the great King Alfred, all, or
almost all, composed in the Latin tongue, not in the
native national tongue of the country in which they
KINGS OF NOEWAY. 13
were composed and of which they treat ; — composed
not for the people, and as part of the literature of the
country, but for a tribe of cloistered scholars spread
over the country, yet cut off by their profession from
all community of interests, feelings, or views, with the
rest of the nation ; a class centralised in Eome, and at
home only in her church establishment. It was their
literature, not the literature of the nation around
them, that these writers composed ; and its influence,
and even all knowledge of its existence, was confined
to their own class. It was not until the 13th century
that Yille Hardouin composed his Memoirs in the
vernacular tongue of his countrymen ; and he and
Joinville, who wrote about the end of the 13th cen-
tury, are considered the earliest historical writers who
emancipated history from the Latinity and dulness of
the monkish chroniclers.
When we turn from the heavy Latin records of the
Anglo-Saxon monks to the accounts given of them-
selves in their own language, during the very same
ages, by the Northmen^ we are startled to find that
these wild bloody sea-kings, worshippers of Thor,
Odin, and Frigga, and known to us only from the
Anglo-Saxon monks as ferocious pagans, overthrow-
ing kings, destroying churches and monasteries, ra-
vaging countries with fire and sword, and dragging
the wretched inhabitants whom they did not murder
into slavery, surpassed the cognate Saxon people they
were plundering and subduing, in literature as much
as in arms — that poetry, history, laws, social institu-
tions and usages, many of the useful arts, and all
the elements of civilisation, and freedom, were exist-
ing among them in those ages in much greater vigour
than among the Anglo-Saxons themselves. We cling
to the early impression given us by Hume, and all
our best historians, upon the authority of our monkish
chroniclers, that these pagan Danes or Northmen were
PUELIM.
DISSEKT.
CuAl'. I.
Chap. I.
14 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, barbarians of an ahuost brutal i2:norance and ferocity,
DISSERT. , J. . .,. . ^ . *^ '
without a spark of civinsation or literature. We see
that these Vikings, or marauders from the North, were
bloody, daring, capable of incredible enterprises and
exertion, and of incredible outrages and cruelty when
successful — and that a few hundreds of them landino-
from row-boats, could daunt and subdue extensive
tracts of country, and all their inhabitants ; yet we
do not draw the natural conclusion from these facts,
that this terrifying, conquering few must have been
superior in mental power, energy, and vigour of
action, to the daunted, conquered many. All con-
quests that history tells of will be found to resolve
themselves into the superior mental powers of the
conquerors. The Eomans conquered nations armed
in the same way as themselves, by superior tactics,
discipline, military arrangement, and perseverance ;
that is, by superior mental power applied to the same
material means. The moderns in America, India, and
in Europe, conquer by the superiority of fire-arms, or
of what belongs to the efficiency of fire-arms, in a
campaign. This too is the superiority of mental
power in the invention, construction, or application of
material means. The Northmen, armed with the same
weapons as the inhabitants of England, men of the
same physical powers as the Anglo-Saxons, land in
small piratical bands, altogether insignificant in num-
bers, on the coasts of England and France, and terrify,
paralyse, and conquer, as the Spaniards with their
fire-arms and horses, did in Mexico or Peru. What
is this but the superiority of mind, of intellectual
power, energy, spirit, over the inert passive Anglo-
Saxon inhabitants, tamed down by the church influ-
ence and superstition of five centuries into a state of
listless existence, without spirit or feeling as a nation,
or confidence and self-dependence as individuals, and
looking for aid from saints, prayers, and miracles?
KINGS OF NOKWAY. 15
It was the human mind in a state of barbarous energy p^elol
and action, and with the vitality of freedom, conquer- j^j
ing the human mind in a state of slavish torpidity
and superstitious lethargy. The paucity of numbers
of these Danes or Northmen was not compensated by
any superiority of the weapons, discipline, or tactics
they used; but they were men fighting to acquire
property by plunder or conquest, who had laws and
institutions which secured to them its enjoyment ;
and they had as opponents only a population of serfs
or labourers, with no property in the soil, no interests
to fight for, nothing to lose or to defend but what
they could save as well by flying or submitting as by
fighting.
It might be surmised by a philosophic reader of the
history of those times, that all the vigorous action and
energy of mind of these barbarous Danes or North-
men could not be showing itself only in deeds of daring
enterprise abroad, — that some of it must be expending
itself at home, and in other arts and uses than those
of a predatory warfare. It Avill not, at least, surprise
such a reader that some of this mental power was ap-
plied at home in attempts, however rude, at history
and poetry ; but he will be surprised to find that those
attempts surpass, both in quality and quantity, all
that can be produced of Anglo-Saxon hterature during
the same ages, either in the Anglo-Saxon language
or in the Latin. These literary attempts also, or, to
give them their due title, this body of literature, is
remarkably distinguished from that of the Anglo-
Saxons, or of any other people of the same period, by
being composed entirely in the native national tongue,
and intended to instruct or amuse an audience of the
people ; and not in a dead language, and intended
merely for the perusal of an educated class in the
monasteries. With the exception of Theodoric the
Monk, who wrote in Latin in the time of King Swerrer,
Ch;
16 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, viz. between 1177 and 1202, a history of the kinors of
DISSERT. ' J o
Norway down to the end of the reign of Sigurd the
Crusader in 1130, and who appears to have been a
foreigner, all the literary attempts among this northern
branch of the one great race, during the five centuries
in which the other branch, the Teutonic or Anglo-
Saxon, was confining all intellectual communication
in history or poetry to Latin, and within the walls of
the cloisters, were composed in the vernacular tongue
of the country, intelligible to, and indeed altogether
addressed to, the people of all classes. This singular
instance in Europe of a national literature difi'used
among a barbarous and rude people, who had not even
received the civilisation which accompanies the Chris-
tian religion under every form, before the beginning
of the twelfth century, who were pagans in short
fully five hundred years after every other part of
Europe was, with the exception of some districts per-
haps on the coasts of the Baltic, fully Christianised,
has not been sufiiciently considered by historians in
estimating the influence of literature on national mind,
character, and social arrangement. To the influence
of this rude national literature we probably owe much
of what we now pride ourselves upon as the noblest in-
heritance from our forefathers, — that national energy,
activity, independence of mind, and value for civil
and political freedom, which distinguish the popu-
lation of England from that of all other countries,
and have done so ever since the admixture of the
Northmen with the old Anglo-Saxons. It may be
said that the influence of sagas or songs, of the htera-
ture, such as it may be, upon the spirit and character
of a people, is overstated, and that it is but a fond
exaggeration, at any rate, to dignify w^ith the title of
a national, influential literature, the rude traditionary
tales and ballads of a barbarous pagan population.
But a nation's literature is its breath of life, without
KINGS OF NORWAY. 17
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
which a nation has no existence, is but a congregation PR^^Lm.
of individuals. However low the literature may be
in its intellectual merit, it will nationalise the living
materials of a population into a mass animated with
common feeling. During the five centuries in which
the Northmen were riding over the seas, and con-
quering wheresoever they landed, the literature of
the people they overcame was locked up in a dead
lanofuaofe, and within the walls of monasteries. But
the Northmen had a literature of their own, rude as
it was ; and the Anglo-Saxon race had none, none at
least belonging to tho people. The following list will
show the reader that in the five centuries between
the days of the Venerable Bede and those of Matthew
Paris, that is from the 9th to the end of the 13th
century, the northern branch of the common race
was not destitute of intellectuality, notwithstanding
all their paganism and barbarism, and had a litera-
ture adapted to their national spirit, and wonderfully
extensive. The list is taken from that given by
Thormod Torfasus, in his '' Series Dynastarum et
Regum Danise," from that given by Miiller in his
" Sagabibliothek," and from that of Biorn Haldorson.
The notes on the date and contents are extracted
chiefly from Miiller's work. The words historical or
fabulous indicate only that the work is founded on
facts apparently, or is a work of fiction.
Adonius Saga (of a king and duke in Syria). Fabulous.
Alafieks Saga (of a son of a King Richard of England). Fabulous.
Amloda Saga (of Hamlet, freely translated from Saxo). Fabulous.
Alexander Mikla Saga (of Alexander the Great, translated by Bishop
Brand Johnson, by order of Hakon Hakonson). Historical.
Andra Rimur, — rhymes of or concerning Andreas.
Ans Saga (of An Bueswinger). My thologico-^ Historical.
Asmundar ok Tryggve Rimur,
Arna Biskups Saga (of Bishop Arne, flourished 1260). Historical.
Arans Saga Hiorleifs sonar (of Aran son of Hiorleif). Historical.
VOL. I. C
18 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM. Amicus ok Amilius Itimu?' (ot Amicus and Amilius — belongs to the
■ story of the Seven Wise Men). Fabulous.
Bandamanna Saga (of the Confederates — account of an Icelandic law
process in the eleventh century). Local History.
Bardar Saga SncBfelz (of Bard^ son of King Dumo, a giant). Fabulous.
Barlaams Saga.
Befus Saga (of Bevis^ son of an English Count Ginar). Fabulous.
Biorns Saga Hitdcela Kappa (of Biorn of Hitdale, a contemporary of
King Olaf the Saint). Historical.
Blomstrvalla Saga (a translation from the German by Biorn, in Hakon
Hakonson's time. The name Blomstrvalla is from a place near
Alexandria, where the scene is laid).
Bose ok Herauts Saga (of Bose and Heraut). Fabulous.
Bua Saga (of Bue Andredsson). Fabulous.
Boerings Saga fagra (of the beautiful Bcering, a Saxon king). Fa-
bulous.
Brodhelga Saga (of a chief who died about 974). Historical.
Brandkrossa Thattr (traits of Helge Asbiornson and Helge Droplauga's
sons). Fabulous.
Bodva7's Biai'ka Saga. Historical.
Breta Sogur (Saga of Wales, called Breta and Bretland ; and the parts
of England occupied by the Anglo-Saxons was called Saxland by
the Northmen. This is from Geoffrey of Monmouth's work).
Damusta Saga (of a Damusta who killed Ion, king of a country south
of France, and became king of Greece). Fabulous.
Draplaugar Sona Saga (of the sons Helga and Grim of Draplaug).
History and fable mixed ; the period, the tenth century.
Dinus Saga Dromblata (of Dionysius the Proud, son of King Ptolemy,
in Egypt).
Drauma Jons Saga (of John the Dreamer and Earl Henry). Fa-
bulous.
Egils Saga Eindhendta (of Egil the One-handed, and Asmund). Fa-
bulous.
Egils Saga Skallagrims sonar (of Egil, son of Skallagrim). Historical ;
period from the middle of the ninth to the end of the tenth
century.
Elis Saga (of Elis or Julius and Rosamund). Translated from the
French, 1226, by Monk Robert, by order of Hakon Hakonson.
Edda Scsmunds (the elder Edda). Mythological.
Edda Snorros (the younger Edda). Mythological.
Eric Rauda Saga (of Eric Red, who discovered Greenland, and Vin-
land or America). Historical ; period from near the end of the
ninth to beginning of the tenth century.
Eyrhyggia Saga (of Thorgrim, whose forefather, Rolf, came from the
Isle of Moster in the north of Norway, and first planted Iceland
with people from his island (eyrbiggia, isle-settlers) to escape
Harald Haarfager). Historical _; period from the first colonising
Iceland to the middle of the eleventh century.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
19
Erics Saga Vidforla (of Eric the Wanderer, who goes in search of the
land of immortality.) Mythological.
Edwardar Saga hins helga (of Saint Edward of England).
Fertrams Saga ok Plato (of Fertram and Plato, sons of King Arthur).
Fabulous.
Finahoga Ramma Saga (of Finabog the Strong). Fable and history,
from middle of tenth to eleventh century.
Flateyar Annall (the Flato Codex, so called from the Isle of Flato in
Breidafiord in Iceland, in which the manuscript was discovered in
1650. The Annals end in 1395. It contains many Saga tran-
scribed into it, and is considered a most important historical col-
lection. The MSS. was written by Ion Thordsen, priest, and
Magnus Thorhalsen, priest, between the years 1387 and 1395).
Historical.
Fcereyinga Saga (of the Fsero Islands). Historical.
Floamanna Saga (of a Thorgill and his ancestors, original settlers in
Iceland, and of his adventures in Greenland. Thorgill died
1033). Historical.
Flores ok Leo (of Flores and Leo).
Florents Saga Fraka Konungs (of Florent King of the Franks, in-
vented by Master Simon in Lyons).
Fridthiofs Saga (of Fridthiof the Bold). This beautiful story has
been the groundwork of several poetic and dramatic imitations,
of which Bishop Tegner's, in Swedish, has been translated into
English.
Flores Konungs Saga ok Sona hans (of King Floris and his sons).
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
Gibbons Saga (of Gibbon, son of the French king William).
Gaunga Hrolfs Saga (of Rolf Ganger, the conqueror of Normandy).
Historical.
Gisla Saga Secos sonar (of Gisle the son of Secos. Events of the
tenth century in Iceland). Historical.
Gretters Saga sterka (of Gretter the Strong). Adventures, fabulous
and historical, mixed, of Gretter and his forefathers, in the ninth,
tenth, and eleventh centuries.
Guimars Saga (of Guimar, an English knight).
Gudmundar Biskups Saga (of Bishop Gudmund) ; being part of the
third book of the Sturlunga Saga, or account of the Sturlung
family, which ends 1264, and of which the first books are sup-
posed to have been written 1201.
Grcenlandinga Thattr (events in Greenland from 1122, and a list of
nine bishops and fifteen churches). Historical.
Gunnars Sagajifls (of Gunnar the Idiot). Fabulous.
Gunlaugs Saga Ormstungu (of Gunlaug' the Serpent-tongued). His-
torical; the period about IOO6.
Gunnors Saga Thedbrand bana (of Gunnor who killed Thedbrand).
Historical ; supposed to be written about the end of the twelfth
century.
Gullthoris Saga (of Gold Thorro, or Torskfindinga Saga). Fabulous.
Grims ok Hialmers rimur (rhymes concerning Grim and Hialmer).
c 2
20 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM. Halfs Saga (of Half, who, if not altogether a fabulous personage,
■ lived about the eighth century; or in the sixth, according to others).
Chap. I. Halfdanar Saga Brannfostfe (of Halfdan, foster-son of Bran). Fa-
bulous.
Halfdanar Saga Epstein sonar (of Halfdan, son of Eystein). Fabulous.
Haraldz Saga Hringshana (of Harald, Avho slew Hring).
Hrolf Kraka Saga (a collection of Sagas, some historical, some fabulous).
Hemings Saga (of Heming, a fabulous personage of Olaf the Saint's
time).
Hervarar Saga (of Hervar). Mythological.
Hialmthers ok Olvers Saga (of Hialmther and Olver). Fabulous.
Hogne ok Hedins Saga. Mythological.
Holmverra Saga (of one Hord). Mixed fable and historical fact re-
garding Iceland.
Hrafnkels Goda Saga. Historical ; of Harald Haarfager's times.
Hrims ok Tryggve rimur.
Hralf Saga Gotreks sonar (of Hralf, son of Gotrek). Mythological.
Hrolfs Saga Skugga fifls (of Hrolf, son of Skugga the Idiot).
Hromundar Saga Grips sonar. Fabulous.
Hungr-vaka (the Hunger-waking is the name of a Saga of the Bishops
of Skalholt down to 1178; the author supposing it would raise
an appetite for more).
Honse Thoris Saga (of Thorer the hen-merchant). Historical.
Hrafns Saga Swinhiornar sonar (of Hrafn, son of Swinbiorn).
Hallfredar Saga Vandrceda Skalldz (of Halfred " the scald, desperate
or difficult to deal with," who lived in King Olaf the Saint's time).
Historical.
Hakonar Konungs Saga Hakonar sonar (of King Hakon Hakonson,
who was born 1203, and died 1274). Historical; by Sturle Thord-
son, a contemporary.
Hugo Scaplars Saga (Hugo of the Scapulary). Fabulous.
Hakonar Saga Hareks sonar (of Hakon the son of Harek).
Hakonar Saga Iverson sonar (of Hakon Iverson). Historical.
Haralds Rimur Kvingiarna (rhymes of or concerning Harald the
Woman-lover.)
Hermodar Rimur (rhymes of Hermod).
Islandinga Bok Ara Froda (Book of Iceland — concerning the first co-
lonisation of Iceland, the introduction of Christianity, &c., usually
called Are Erode Schedse; written about 1120). Historical.
Isfirdinga Saga (of a division of Iceland called Isfirding). Historical.
Jarlmans Saga (of Jarlman and Herman). Fabulous.
Illugo Saga Gridar fostra (of lUugo, foster-son of Grida). Fabulous.
Jokuls Saga Bue sonar (of Jokul, son of Bue). Fabulous.
Jomsvikinga Saga (of the Vikings of Jomsburg, in the island of
Wollen). Historical.
Jans Biskups Saga (of John the Bishop, viz. Ion Ogmundson, who
died 1121, bishop of Skalholt). Historical.
Jvents Saga. Fabulous ; translated from the French by order of
Hakon Hakonson.
Ions Saga Leiksveins (of John the Juggler). Fabulous.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
21
Jonales Rimur (rhymes of Jonales).
Ions Saga Baptistce (of John the Baptist).
Ions Saga Gudspialla mana (of Saint John the Evangelist).
Karlamagnus Saga (of Charlemagne).
Ketils Saga (of Ketil Hseng and Grim Lodiskins). Fable and history.
Knytlinga Saga (of the Danish kings of the Canute dynasty, from
Harald Gormson to Canute VII., supposed to be by Olaf Thord-
son, who died 1259). Historical.
Konrads Saga Keysara sonar (of Konrad, son of the Emperor).
Kormaks Saga (of Kormak the Scald). Fable and history.
Kroka Refs Saga (of Ref the Cunning). Fabulous.
Klarus Saga Keysara sonar (of Clarus, son of the Emperor). Fabulous.
Kotler Draumr (the Dream of Cotla).
Kristus Saga (of the introduction of Christianity into Iceland, from
981 to 1000). Historical.
Kirialax Saga (of the Emperor Alexis, viz. Kurios Alexis ; but this is
a fabulous emperor).
Kallinius Rimur (rhymes of Callinius).
Kraks Spa (Prophecy of Krak).
Landnama Bok (events in Iceland from the original settlement^ in the
ninth to the end of the tenth century ; with names of the first
settlers, and of their lands, to the number of about 3000 names of
persons, and 1400 of places; supposed to have been written in
the last half of the thirteenth century). Historical.
Langfidgatal (series of dynasties and kings in the North). Historical.
LaxdcBla Saga (of the descendants of Auda, who settled in Laxdale).
Historical.
Liosvetninga Saga (Lives of the Descendants of Thorgier and Gud-
mund, and their own Lives, between the middle of the tenth and
end of the twelfth century). Historical ; written about the end
of the twelfth century.
Laurentius Biskups Saga (of Bishop Laurence, who was born 1267).
Historical, by a contemporary.
Mabels Sterku Rimer (rhymes of or concerning Mabel the Strong),
Maria Saga (of Mary, viz. the Virgin).
Margaretor Saga (of Margaret and Sigurd, in Magnus the Good's time).
Magus Jarls Saga (of Earl Magus, or Marus, in Saxland). Fabulous,
Mirmants Saga (of Mirmant, a king in Sicily). Fabulous.
Magnus Saga Orkneya Jarls (of Saint Magnus, Earl of Orkney, who
was killed 1110). Historical.
Mottuls Saga (of the magic cloak at the court of King Arthur).
Nials Saga (of Nial). Historical ; and supposed to be written by
Saemund Erode, in the 11th century.
Nikulass Saga leikara (of Nicolas the Juggler, son of King Faustus of
Hungary). Fabulous.
Nitida Frcegn Saga (of the celebrated Nitida, daughter of a Frank
king Richard). Fabulous.
Nikulass Saga Erkshiskups (of Nicholas, Archbishop of Lucca).
c 3
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
22 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM. (Erverodde Saga (of Odde the Archer; literally, Arrow- Odde). Fa-
DISSERT. bulouS.
Chap. I. Olver Rimur (rhymes of Olver).
Petrs Saga Postula (of Peter the Apostle).
Partalopa Saga.
Polistutors Rimur.
Parcevals Saga (of Parceval, one of King Arthur's worthies). Fahulous.
Pals Biskups Saga (of Bishop Paul, the seventh bishop of Skalholt,
who died in 1211; supposed by a contemporary). Historical.
Ragners Saga Lodbroker (of Ragner Lodbrok). History with fable.
Reinalds ok Rosa Rimur (rhymes of Ronald and Rosa).
Sigurdr Saga Thogla (of Sigurd the Silent, son of King Lodver in
Saxland). Fabulous.
Sigrgardz Saga frcekna (of a king of Tartary, Sigurd the Bold). Fa-
bulous.
Saulus Saga ok Nicanors (of Saul and Nicanor, two foster brothers, one
of Galatia, and one of Italy). Fabulous.
Sturlunga Saga (of the family of Sturle, of which Snorro Sturleson
was a descendant, from the beginning of the 1 2th century to
] 284). Historical.
Storla Stcsrka Saga (of Storle the Strong). Fabulous.
Sveins Rimur Muk sonar (rhymes of Svein the Monk's son).
Sigurdar Fots Saga (of Sigurd Foot).
Skida Rima (rhyme of Skida).
Sverris Saga (of King Swerrer, from 11 77? when Snorro Sturleson's
Heimskringla ends, to King Swerrer's death). Historical.
Stuffs Thattr (Traits of Stuff the Scald, who lived in the time of
Harald Sigurdson, about 1050). Historical.
Skaldhelga Rimur (rhymes of the Scald Helga).
Svarfdcela Saga (of Thorstein, who first settled in Svarfdal in Iceland;
and fabulous adventures of his successors). History and fable.
Samsonar Saga Fagra (of Samson the Fair). Fabulous.
Stiarna Odda Draumr (Star Odda, viz. the Astrologer Odda's Dream).
Thomas Saga Erkshiskups (of Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury).
Tyodels Saga Riddara (of the knight Tyodel. He could transform
himself into a bear).
Thidreks Saga af Bern (of Dietric of Bern). The same as the Ger-
man story.
Thordar Hredu Saga (of Thorder the Terrible, who, in 975, left
Norway, and settled in Iceland). Historical.
Thorer Haliggs Rimur.
Thorsteins Saga Sidu Halls sonar (of Thorstein, son of Sidu Hall).
Historical.
Thorsteins Saga Vikings sonar (of Thorstein son of the Viking). Fa-
bulous.
Thormodar Saga Kalhrunar Skalldz (of Thormod Kalbrun the Scald).
Historical.
Thorsteins Saga Oxafots. Fabulous.
KINGS OE NORWAY.
23
Thorlak Biskups Saga (of Bishop Thorlak). Historical.
Thorleif Saga Jarla Skalldz (of Thorleif the Scald of the Earls of
Orkney), Historical.
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
Ulfars Saga Stcerka ok Onundar Fagra (of Ulfar the Strong, and
Onund the Fair ; the one became a king in Africa, the other in
Asia). Fabulous.
Vatsd(Ela Saga (of Ketil Thrumr, his son Thorstein, Ingimund and
Saemund, his grandsons, who settled in Vatsdal in Iceland). His-
torical.
Valdemar's Saga (of Valdemar, son of King Philip of Saxland).
Valnaliots Saga (of Valnaliot, an Icelander ; the story of the 12th cen-
tury). Historical.
Victors Saga ok Blaus (of Victor and Blaus). Fabulous.
Vigagleims Saga (of Gleim, son of Eyolf, who went to settle in Ice-
land 922). ' Historical.
Vilhialms Saga Siods (of William of the Treasure, a son of King
Richard in England). Fabulous.
Vilmundar Saga ( of Vilmund and Hierande, a son of a king in Frank-
land). Fabulous.
Ulfs Saga Ugga sonar (of Ulf the son of Ugga). Fabulous.
Ulfhams Rimur (Rhymes of Ulfham).
Valvers Thattr (Traits of the Life of Valver).
Volsunga Saga. Mythological.
Yugvars Saga Vidforla (of Yugvar the Far-travelled). History and
fable.
It does not appear that any saga-manuscript* now
existing has been written before the 14th century, how-
ever old the saga itself may be. The Flato manuscript
is of 1395. Those supposed to have been written in the
* Fagurskinna, Morkinskinna;, Hrokkinskinna — fair skin, dark skin,
wrinkled skin — are names applied by Torfaeus to manuscripts on parch-
ment, probably to designate, when he resided at Stavangar in Norway, to
his friend and correspondent Arne Magnussen at Copenhagen, the par-
ticular skin he wanted to refer to, in a compendious way understood
between themselves. It seems now to be doubtful which MSS. they
meant by the Morkinskinna and Hrokkinskinna. Arne Magnussen,
whose collection of manuscripts is so often quoted under the name of
the Arnse-Magnsei, was the greatest antiquary who never wrote. Although
he wrote no books, his judgment and opinions are known from notes,
selections, and correspondence, and are of great authority at this day in
the Saga literature. Torfaeus consulted him in his researches, which
gives great weight to the views of Torfaeus on many points, as we
have in them the combined judgment of two of the greatest northern
antiquaries.
c 4
Chap. I.
24 CHRONICLE OF THE
p?;ELTM. i3tli century are not ascertained to be so on better
DISSERr. 'J . -»- •
data than the appearance and handwritmg. It is
known that in the 12th century Are Erode, Saemund,
and others began to take the sagas out of the tra-
ditionary state, and fix them in writing ; but none of
the original skins appear to have come down to our
times, but only some of the numerous copies of them.
Bishop Miiller shows good reasons for supposing that
before Are Frode's time, and in the 11th century,
sagas were committed to writing ; but if we consider
the scarcity of the material in that age — parchment
of the classics, even in Italy, being often deleted, to
be used by the monks for their writings — these must
have been very few. No well-authenticated saga of
ancient date in Runic is extant, if such ever existed ;
although Runic letters occur in Gothic, and even in
Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, mixed with the other cha-
racters.
To these Torfaeus adds, — Historical Fragments
concerning Ivar Yidfadme, Hraerer Staungraubang,
Helgius the Acute, and the Battle of Bravalla :
also the Codex Flateyensis, as above noticed, — a
manuscript so called from the island Flato, on the
west side of Iceland, in which it was discovered,
containing the genealogies and annals of the Nor-
wegian kings and chiefs : also a manuscript called
by him The Fair Skin — Fagrskinnan ; being a bre-
viary of the history of Norway, or chronological com-
pendium from Half dan the Black to Swerrer's reign ;
and also several ancient annals, which, being without
titles, he cannot cite in his catalogue. Besides these,
the following works, no longer extant in any kno^vn
manuscripts, are referred to in the ancient histories,
viz. : The history of Einar the son of Gisle, who killed
Giafald, one of the court of King Magnus Barefoot,
is cited in the end of the '' Life of Saint John Bishop
of Holen." The history of Sigurd Cervus is cited by
KINGS OF NORWAY. 25
Snorro Sturleson in his " Life of Halfdan the Black." ofslERT.
The life of Alfgeir is cited in the " History of Hoi- ^'^j
men." The history of Grim the son of Krop, who
killed Eyda the son of Skegg of Midiiord, is men-
tioned in the '' Life of Gretter the Strong." The
life of Thorgils the son of Hall, and the history
of the people of Niardvik, are cited in the " History
of the Laxdale People." The " Landnama " mentions
histories of Bodmod, of Gerpis, of Grimelf, and the
life of Thord Getter. The same work" mentions also
the history of the Thorskfiord people, and a life of
Yibiorn, who was one of the original settlers in Ice-
land when it was uninhabited. The history of the
Sturlung family shows that formerly there were extant
a history of the Berserker and Yiking Hraungrid,
and lives of Olaf king of the Lidmen or army, of
Hrok the Black, and of Orm the Poet. Snorro appears
to have read a history of the Skioldung family, that
is, of the progenitors of the Danish dynasty. The
" Life of Hrolf Krak " cites a life of Thorer the Dog-
footed, and a life of Agnar son of Hroar king of Den-
mark. The " Life of Rolf the Walker*, the Conqueror
of Normandy," cites a history of the Hiodnarg people.
The history of Skiold the son of Dag, and of Her-
mann, is cited in the " Life of lUug Grid's Foster- son."
The '' Life of Bose " mentions a life of Sigurd Hring.
Mention of the histories of Ulf, son of Sebb, and of
Earl Kvik, is made in the historical relation of some
incidents by the scalds of Harald Haarfager. The
" History of the Liosvatn People" cites a history of the
people of Espholen. The writings of Are, who lived
* Hrolf Gangr appears to have been a name in the family ; and one
of the forefathers of the conqueror of Normandy bore it. The popular
tale of his being so stt)ut or corpulent that no horse could carry him,
and he was obliged to walk, may therefore be doubted ; as such a habit
of body would scarcely be consistent with the personal activity of great
warriors in those days.
26
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
about the year 1117, and first committed to writing
the Icelandic compositions, and of Saemund, who
flourished about the year 1083, and had studied at
universities in Germany and France, and of Oddo the
Monk, who flourished in the 12th century, are almost
entirely lost. Kolskegg, a contemporary of Are, and,
like him, distinguished by the surname of Frode —
the wise, or the much knowing, — Brandus, who lived
about the year 1163, Eiric, the son of Oddo, and his
contemporary Karl, abbot of the monastery of Thringo,
in the north of Iceland, and several others, appear to
have been collectors, transcribers, and partly con-
tinuators of preceding chronicles ; and all these flou-
rished between the time of Bede in the end of the
7th and beginning of the 8th century, when the de-
vastations of these piratical Yikings were at the worst,
and the time of Snorro Sturleson in the middle of the
13th century, when the Viking life was given up,
invasions of Northmen even under their kings had
ceased, and the influence of Christianity and its esta-
blishments was diffused.
Now we have here a vast body of literature, chiefly
historical, or intended to be so, and all in the ver-
nacular tongue of the Northmen. It is for our Anglo-
Saxon scholars and antiquaries to say, whether in the
Anglo-Saxon tongue, or in the Anglo-Saxon and the
Latin together, such a body of national literature was
produced, — whether such intellectual activity existed
between the days of the Venerable Bede, our earliest
historian, in the beginning of the 8th century, and
the days of Matthew Paris, the contemporary of
Snorro Sturleson, in the first half of the 13th?
And these were Pagans, these Northmen, whether in
Denmark, Norway, or Iceland, for more than half of
these five centuries! This body of literature may
surely be called a national literature ; for on looking
over the subjects it treats of, it will be found to con-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 27
Chap. I.
sist almost entirely of historical events, or of the prelim.
n * -I' • 1 •% n»i 1 1 T DISSERT.
achievements of individuals, which, whether real or
fabulous, were calculated to sustain a national spirit
among the people for whom they were composed ;
and scarcely any of it consists of the legends of saints,
of homilies, or theological treatises, which constitute
the greater proportion of the literature of other coun-
tries during the same ages, and which were evidently
composed only for the public of the cloisters. It is
distinguished also from any contemporary literature,
and indeed from any known body of literature, by
the peculiar circumstance of its having been for many
centuries, and until the beginning of the 12th cen-
tury, or within 120 years of Snorro Sturleson's own
times, an oral not a written literature, and composed
and transmitted from generation to generation by
word of mouth, and by memory, not by pen, ink, and
parchment. This circumstance may aiFect the historical
value of these documents, if the authenticity of what
they relate be not supported by internal or collateral
evidence, but does not affect their literary value as
the compositions, during five centuries, of the North-
men, and as such to be compared with the composi-
tions, during the same five centuries, of the cognate
Anglo-Saxon people. It is of great importance, how-
ever, to examine the value, as historical documents, of
these compositions.
The early history of every people can only have
been preserved by traditionary stories, songs, ballads,
until the age when they were fixed by writing. The
early history of Rome, for many centuries, has had no
other foundation than such a saga-literature as this
of the Northmen. Homer, whether the Iliad and
Odyssey be the works of one mind or of several, has
had traditionary accounts as the historical foundation
and authority for the events and personages he cele-
brates. Snorro Sturleson has done for the history
28
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
of the Northmen what Livy did for the history of
the Komans. The traditionary works of the pre-
decessors of Livy in his historical field, the sagas of
the Romans, have unfortunately not reached us. The
ancient Roman writers themselves regret that the
songs and legends, the sagas from which the historical
accounts of their ancestors are derived, and which it
appears from two passages in Cicero* were extant
in the time of the elder Cato, and, like the sagas of
the Northmen, were sung or recited at feasts, had
fallen into oblivion. Such documents in verse or prose
are common to the early history of every people, and
on such and on the similar transmission of themby
memory, the historical Scriptures of the Old Testament
themselves rest. These sagas have been preserved
among the Northmen, or at least have not perished so
entirely but that the sources from which their historian
Snorro drew his information may be examined. They
constitute the body of literature of which the list of
sagas given above is an imperfect catalogue — imper-
fect because many sagas, songs, or other compositions
referred to in those which are extant no longer exist,
and probably never had been taken out of the tradi-
tionary state, in which they existed then as matter
of memory, and been fixed in writing. If we consider
the scarcity of the material — parchment — in the
middle ages, even in the oldest Christianised countries
of Europe, and the still greater scarcity of scribes, and
men of learning and leisure, who would bestow their
time and material on any subjects but monastic legends
* Gravissimus auctor in ' Originibus' dixit Cato, morem apud majores
hunc epularum fuisse, ut deinceps, qui accubarent, canerent ad tibiam
clarorum virorum laudes atque virtutes. — Cicero, Tusc. Qucest. iv. 3.
Utinam exstarent ilia carmina quae multis saeculis ante suam aetatem
in epulis esse cantitata a singulis convivis de clarorum virorum laudibus
in ' Originibus ' scriptum reliquit Cato. — ■ Cicer. Brutus, cap. xix.
See on this subject the Preface to '' Lays of Ancient Rome, by
Thomas Babington Macaulay. London: Longman and Co. 1842."
KINGS OF NORWAY.
29
in the Latin language, we must wonder that so many
of these historical tales had been committed to writing
in Iceland ; not that so many which once were extant
in the traditionary state have not been preserved.
Every intelHgent reader of English history who is
startled at this view of the comparative literature and
intellectual condition of the two branches, the pagan
and the Christian, of the one great northern race,
between the 8th and the 13th centuries, will desire
information on the following points ; — Who were
the scribes, collectors, or compilers, who preceded
Snorro Sturleson in writing down, gathering, or re-
ducing to history, those traditionary narratives called
Sagas which had floated down on the memory, in
verse or in prose, from generation to generation ?
Who were the original authors of these compositions ;
and what was the condition of the class of men, the
Scalds, who composed them ? What were the peculiar
circumstances in the social condition of the Northmen
in those ages, by which such a class as the Scalds was
kept in bread, and in constant employment and exer-
tion among them, and even with great social consider-
ation; while among the Anglo-Saxons, a cognate branch
of the same people, the equivalent class of the Bards,
Troubadours, Minstrels, Minnesingers, was either ex-
tinct, or of no more social influence than that of the
Court Jesters or the Jongleurs ?
Snorro Sturleson tells us, in the preface to his work,
that " the priest Are hinn Erode (hinn Erode is ap-
plied to several writers, and means the Wise, the
Learned ; le Prud'homme perhaps of the Norman-
Erench, although antiquaries render it into the more
assuming Latin appellative, Polyhistor), was the first
man in Iceland who wrote down in the Norse tongue
both old and new narratives of events." The Land-
namaSaga (Liber Originum Islandiae), which treats of
the first occupation of Iceland by the Norwegians, and
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
30
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
of their descendants ; the Islindinga Bok, or Book of
Iceland, usually quoted by the title of the Latin
translation, " Schedse Arii Polyhistoris," which is an
account of the introduction of Christianity, and of
other affairs in Iceland, and of the judges and other
considerable personages ; and the Flateyiar Annall,
forming part of the important manuscript on parch-
ment quoted so often by northern antiquaries by the
name of the Codex Flateyensis, — are works of Are
still extant. The Flateyiar Annall appears to have
been a chronicle begun by Are, and continued by his
successors in his parochial charge. It does not appear
that any writing of Are upon parchment is extant,
and his labours as a compiler appear to be known from
the testimony only of Snorro Sturleson, or from copies
such as those in the Codex Flateyensis, made from his
writings. Are hinn Frode is reckoned by Torfaeus to
have been born about the year 1068, and to have
written " the old and new narratives of events," which
Snorro tells us he did, " two hundred and forty years
after the first occupation of Iceland by the Norwe-
gians ;" about the year 1117. A manuscript of Biorn
of Skardza, which Torfaeus says was once in his pos-
session, speaks of an older compiler than Are. Isleif,
the first bishop of Iceland, who was consecrated by
Adalbert, archbishop of Bremen, in 1056, and who
died in 1080, is stated to have written a life of Harald
Haarfager and his successors, down to Magnus the
Good, who died about 1047, compiled from the cur-
rent sagas ; and his son. Bishop Gissur, is stated to
have also collected and written down histories in the
common tongue. Are hinn Frode was brought up as
a foster-son in the house of Teit, another son of this
Bishop Isleif, and, Torf^us supposes, may have used
the materials collected by Isleif; and thus the labours
of the two, as compilers or scribes of the ancient
sagas, may have been attributed to the one of most
KINGS OF NOKWAY. 31
M.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
celebrity. The celibacy of the clers^y appears not to treli
have been regarded in the northern countries in the
11th or 12th centuries. We read of the wives and
sons of priests down to a late period ; and Bishop
Isleif was not singular in having sons.
Sasmund, also designated as hinn Frode, was a con-
temporary of Are. He was born in 1056, and after
travelling and studying in Germany and France re-
turned to Iceland, and settled as priest of the parish
of Odda, in the south of Iceland, and commenced
the Annals, which were continued by his successors
in the clerical charge of Odda, and are hence called
" Annales Oddenses " by the northern antiquaries. The
older Edda, of which the Edda of Snorro Sturleson
is but an epitome for explaining the mythological
language and allusions of the poetical saga, is attri-
buted to him ; but unfortunately it is almost entirely
lost, so that we know little of the doctrines or esta-
bhshments of the ancient Odin-worship. Odd the
Monk, who lived in the following century, refers to
an historical work of Sasmund, which is also lost.
Sgemund died in 1133. His contemporary Are sur-
vived him, and died in 1148.
Kolskegg, also hinn Frode, was another contem-
porary of Are, whose name is known as a compiler,
or scribe, but his works are not extant.
Brand, bishop of the diocese of Holen in Iceland,
ordained 1164, and who died 1201, was also a diligent
transcriber of sagas from the memory to parchment.
He was a contemporary of Saxo Grammaticus, the
Danish historian. Saxo himself, in the preface to his
work, gives the strongest testimony to the diligence
and importance of the historical researches and tradi-
tional records of the Icelanders. " Nor is the industry
of the Tylenses (by which name Saxo designates the
people of Tyle, Thule, or Iceland) to be passed over
in silence, who, from the sterility of their native soil,
Chap. I.
32 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, being deprived of every luxury of food, exercise a
perpetual sobriety, and turn every moment of their
lives to the cultivation of a knowledge of the affairs
of other countries, and, compensating their poverty
by their ingenuity, consider it their pleasure to become
acquainted with the transactions of other nations, and
hold it to be not less honourable to record the vir-
tues of others than to exhibit their own ; and whose
treasures in the records of historical transactions I
have carefully consulted, and have composed no small
portion of the present work according to their rela-
tions, not despising as authorities those whom I know
to be so deeply embued with a knowledge of antiquity."
Saxo appears to have had access to many sagas, either
in manuscript, or in viva voce relation, which are not
now extant. Theodoric the Monk, a contemporary
also of Saxo, who flourished about the year 1161, and
wrote a history of the kings of Norway in Latin, and
almost the only historical work of the middle ages
composed in that language in Norway, gives a similar
testimony to the great amount of historical knowledge
among the Icelanders transmitted through their songs
and sagas. The causes of this peculiar turn among
the Icelanders will be inquired into afterwards.
Eiric, the son of Odd, wrote a history of King
Harald Gille's sons, Sigurd and Inge, who succeeded
him, as joint kings of Norway, about 1136, to the
death of each of them ; and gives also the history of
King Magnus the Blind, and of Sigurd Slembidegn.
As King Inge fell in battle in the year 1161, the
work of Eiric is to be placed after that date. Karl,
abbot of the monastery of Thing Isle in the north o\
Iceland, who was ordained in 1169, and died in 1213,
wrote a life of his contemporary King Swerrer, who
reigned from 1177 to 1202. His work is highly
esteemed.
Odd the Monk, also hinn Erode, was next to, or
KINGS OF NORWAY.
33
perhaps contemporary with, these writers, and com- ^fgl^}^^;
posed a hfe of King Olaf Tryggvesson, containing ^"~^j
circumstances not found in other accounts of that
reign ; from which it is supposed that he had access
to sagas not now extant.
These are the principal historical writers who com-
piled or composed from the ancient unwritten sagas,
between the days of Are hinn Frode in 1117, and the
days of Snorro Sturleson in the beginning of the fol-
lowing century. In these hundred or hundred and
twenty years between Are and Snorro, the great mass
of literature in the vernacular tongue committed to
parchment proves a state of great intellectual activity
among these Northmen. It is not the literary or his-
torical value, or the true dates or facts of these tra-
ditionary pieces called sagas, written down for the
first time within those hundred and twenty years,
that is the important consideration to the philosophical
reader of history ; but the extraordinary fact, that
before the Norman conquest of England here was a
people but just Christianised, whose fathers were
pagans, and who were still called barbarians by the
Anglo-Saxons, yet with a literature in their own lan-
guage diffused through the whole social body, and
living in the common tongue and mind of the people.
The reader would almost ask if the Anglo-Saxons
were not the barbarians of the two, — a people, to judge
from their history, without national feeling, interests,
or spirit, sunk in abject superstition, and with no
literature among them but what belonged to a class
of men bred in the cloister, using only the Latin
language, and communicating only with each other,
or with Rome. In the same period in which the
intellectual powers of the pagan or newly Christianised
Northmen were at work in the national tongue upon
subjects of popular interest, what was the amount of
literary production among the Anglo-Saxons? Gildas,
VOL. I. D
34 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, the earliest British writer, was of the ancient British,
not of the Anglo-Saxon people, and wrote about the
Chap. I. ^^^^ ^^q^ ^^ ^ century after the arrival of the Anglo-
Saxons in England. Gildas Albanius, or Saint Gildas,
preceded him by about a century ; and both wrote in
Latin, not in the British or the Saxon tongue. The
" Historia Ecclesiastica Yenerabilis Bedae" was written
in Latin about the year 731; and King Alfred trans-
lated this work of the Venerable Bede into Anglo-
Saxon about 858, or by other account some time be-
tween 872 and 900. Asser wrote "De Yita et Rebus
Gestis Alfredi " about the same period, for he died
910. Nennius, and his annotator Samuel, are placed
by Pinkerton about the year 858. Florence of Wor-
cester wrote about 1100; Simeon of Durham about
1164 ; Giraldus Cambrensis in the same century.
The " Saxon Chronicle " appears to have been the
work of different hands from the 11th to the 12th
century. Roger of Hovedon wrote about 1210;
Matthew Paris, the contemporary of Snorro Sturleson,
about 1240. These are the principal writers among
the Anglo-Saxons referred to by our historians, down
to the age of Snorro Sturleson ; and they all wrote in
Latin, not in the language of the people — the Anglo-
Saxon.
This separation of the mind and language, and of
the intellectual intluence of the upper educated classes,
from the uneducated mass of the Anglo-Saxon people,
on the Continent as well as in England, by the barrier
of a dead language, forms the great distinctive differ-
ence between the Anglo-Saxons and the Northmen ;
and to it may be traced much of the difference in the
social condition, spirit, and character of the two
branches of the Teutonic or Saxon race at the present
day. It is but about a century ago, about 1740, that
this barrier was broken down in Germany, and men
of genius or science began to write for the German
KINGS OF NORWAY. 35
Chap. I.
mind in its own German language. With the excep- ^fsl^^^jj^
tion of Luther's translation of the Bible, little or no-
thing had been written before the 18th century for
the German people in the German tongue. That
beautiful language itself had become so Latinised by
the use and application of Latin in all business and
intellectual production — a circumstance which both
Goethe and Jean Paul Richter, its greatest masters,
deplore — that it was, and to a considerable degree
remains in the present times, a different language in
writing from the spoken vernacular tongue of the
people of Germany. They have to acquire it, as, in
some sort, a dead language to them, to understand
and enter into the meaning and spirit of their own
best writers. Their Plat Deutch, the spoken tongue
of the mass of the people, does not merely differ as
our Scotch, Yorkshire, or Somersetshire dialects differ
from English, only in tone of voice, pronunciation,
and in the use of a few obsolete words ; but in con-
struction and elements, from the too great admixture
of foreign elements from the Latin into the cultivated
German. A striking proof of this is, that no senti-
ment, phrase, popular idea, or expression from the
writings of Lessing, Goethe, Schiller, Richter, or any
other great German writer, is ever heard among the
lower classes in Germany, the peasants, labouring
people, and uneducated masses ; while, with us, senti-
ments, expressions, phrases, from Shakspeare, Pope,
Burns, Swift, De Foe, Cobbett, — from Cervantes, Le
Sage, Moliere, — have crept into common use and ap-
plication, as proverbial sayings circulating among our
totally uneducated classes, who certainly never read
those authors, but have caught up i'rom others what
is good and natural, because the thought is ex-
pressed in language which they are as familiar with
as the writer was himself. In our branch of the
Saxon race, the intellectuality of the educated
D 2
36 CHRONICLE OF THE
^?ol^L'^- class has always worked downwards tlirou2;li a Ian-
DISSERT. *' . /-» T •
fifuaofe common to all. The moral influence of this
Chap I ^ ^
uninterrupted circulation of ideas from the highest to
the lowest is very striking in our social condition, and
in that of all the people descended from the North-
men, the younger branch of the great Anglo-Saxon
race. Under every form of government, whether
despotic as in Denmark, aristocratic as in Sweden,
democratic as in the United States, or mixed as
in England, they are, under all circumstances, dis-
tinguished from the other, the old Anglo-Saxon
branch, by their strong nationality and distinct na-
tional characters. What is this but the diffusion of
one mind, one spirit, one mode of thinking and doing,
through the whole social body of each of these groups,
by a common language and literature, such as it may
be, giving one shape and tone to the mind of all ?
Turn from these groups of the European population,
and look at the nationality or national character of
the other branch of the race — or rather look for it.
Where is it ? Have Prussians, Saxons, Hanoverians,
Hessians, Baden-Badenians, or whatever their rulers
call them, any jot of this national feeling, any national
existence at all? Have the Germans as a whole
mass, or has any one group of them, any national
character at this day, any common feeling among all
classes upon any one subject ? There is a want of
that circulation of the same mind and intelliofence
through all classes of the social body, differing only in
degree, not in kind, in the most educated and the
most ignorant, and of that circulation and interchange
of impressions through a language and literature
common to all, which alone can animate a population
into a nation. It would be a curious subject for the
political philosopher to examine, what have been the
effects of the literature of a people upon their social
condition. English literature works much more
KINGS OF NOKWAY. 37
powerfully upon the great mass of the English people, ^fs^^j^^-
although uneducated, and unable to receive its in-
fluence and impression direct, than German literature,
although much more abundant, works upon the people
of Germany. The circulation of ideas stops there at
a certain class, and the mass remains unmoved by,
impenetrable to, and unintelligent of the storms that
may be raging on the surface among the upper edu-
cated people. The literature of the Northmen in
their own tongue undoubtedly kept alive that com-
mon feehno; and mind — that common sense on mat-
ters of common interest, which in England grew up
into our national institutions. They had a literature
of their own, however rude, a history of their own,
however barbarous, — had laws, institutions, and social
arrangements of their OAvn ; and all these through a
common language influencing and forming a common
mind in all ; and when men, or the children of men
whose minds had been so formed, came to inhabit,
and not merely to conquer, but to colonise a very
large proportion of the surface of England, we may
safely assume that what we call the Anglo-Saxon in-
stitutions of England, and the spirit and character on
which alone free institutions can rest, were the na-
tural productions of this national mind, reared by the
Northmen in England, and not by the Anglo-Saxons.
What were the peculiar circumstances in the social
condition of this branch of the Saxon race, which kept
alive a national literature, history, spirit, and cha-
racter, and peculiar laws and institutions, while all
that was peculiar to or distinctive of the other branch
had long been extinguished in Germany, and in a
great measure in England ? This question can only
be answered by looking at the original position of this
northern branch of the same stock, on the European
soil.
The race of men who under Odin established them-
D 3
Chav. I.
38 CHRONICLE OF THE
^?o?.^l^.; selves in the countries north of the Baltic were un-
doubteclly of Asiatic origin. The date of this inunda-
tion may have been 400 years before or 400 years
after the Christian era (antiquaries have their theories;
for both periods), or there may have been different
Odins, or the name may have been generic and applied
to all great conquerors ; and the causes, as well as the
dates of this vast movement, are lost in the night of
antiquity. The fact itself admits of no doubt ; for it
rests not only on the concurrent traditions and reli-
gious belief of the people, but upon customs retained
by them to a period far within the pale of written
history, and which could only have arisen in the
country from which they came, not in that to which
they had come. The use, for instance, of horse-flesh
could never have been an original indigenous Scan-
dinavian custom, because the horse there is an animal
too valuable and scarce ever to have been an article of
food, as on the plains of Asia ; but doAvn to the end of
the 11th century the eating of horse-flesh at the
religious feasts, as commemorative of their original
country, prevailed, and was the distinctive token of
adhering to the religion of Odin : and those who ate
horse-flesh were punished with death by Saint Olaf.
A plurality of Avives also, in which the most Christian
of their kings indulged even so late as the 12th cen-
tury, was not a custom which, in a poor country like
Scandinavia, was likely to prevail, and appears more
probably of Asiatic origin. But what could have in-
duced a migrating population from the Tanais (the
Don), on which traditionary history fixes their original
seat, after reaching the southern coasts of the Baltic,
to have turned to the north and crossed the sea to
establish themselves on the bleak inhospitable rocks,
and in the severe climate of Scandinavia, instead of
overspreading the finer countries on the south side of
the Baltic? The political causes from preoccupation.
Chap, I.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 39
or opposition of tribes as warlike as themselves, can- phelim.
J- i 1 • • 1 DISSERT.
not now be known from any historical data ; but from
physical data we may conjecture that such a deviation
from what we would consider the more natural run of
the tide of a population seeking a living in new homes,
may have been preferable to any other course in their
social condition. AYe make a wrong estimate of the
comparative facilities of subsisting, in the early ages
of mankind, in the northern and southern countries of
Europe. If a tribe of red-men from the forests of
America had been suddenly transported in the days
of Tacitus to the forests of Europe beyond the Rhine,
where would they, in what is called the hunter state,
that is, depending for subsistence on the spontaneous
productions of nature, have found in the greatest
abundance the means and facilities of subsisting them-
selves ? Unquestionably on the Scandinavian peninsula,
intersected by narrow inlets of the sea teeming with
fish, by lakes and rivers rich in fish, and in a land
covered with, forests, in which not only all the wild
animals of Europe that are food for man abound, but
from the numerous lakes, rivers, ponds, and precipices
in this hunting-field, are to be got at and caught with
much greater facility than on the boundless plains, on
which, from the Ehine to the Elbe, and from the Elbe
to the Vistula, or to the steppes of Asia, there is
scarcely a natural feature of country to hem in a herd
of wild animals in their flight, and turn them into
any particular tract or direction to which the hunters
could resort with advantage, and at which they could
depend on meeting their prey. At this day Norway
is the only country in Europe in which men subsist in
considerable comfort in what may be called the hunter
state, — that is, upon the natural products of the
earth and waters, to which man in the rudest state
must have equally had access in all ages, — and derive
their food, fuel, clothing, and lodging from the forest,
D 4
Chap. I.
40 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, the Fielde, the fiords, and rivers, without other aid
DISSERT. ...T,T.
from agriculture, or the arts of civilised life, than is
implied in keeping herds of reindeer in a half tame
state, or a few cows upon the natural herbage of the
mountain glens. We, in our state of society, do not
consider that the superior fertility of the warmer
climes and better soils of southern countries, adds
nothing to the means of subsistence of those who do
not live upon those products of the earth which are
obtained by cultivation. A hermit at the present day
could subsist himself, from the unaided bounty of
nature, much better at the side of a fiord in Norway,
than on the banks of the Tiber, or of the Tagus, or
of the Thames. Iceland, which we naturally think
the last abode to which necessity could drive settlers,
had in its abundance of fish, wild fowl, and pasturage
for sheep and cows, although the country never pro-
duced corn, such advantages that it was the earliest
of modern colonies, and was a favourite resort of
emigrants in the 9th century. The Irish monk Dicuil,
who wrote in 825 his work '' De Mensura Orbis
Terras," published by C. A. Walckenaer in Paris in
1828, says that for 100 years, that is from 725, the
desire for the hermit life had led many Irish clerks to
the islands to the north of the British sea, which, with
a fair wind, may be reached in two days' sail from the
most northerly British isles. These were most likely
the Feroe Isles, or Westmann Isles. " These isles," he
says, " from the creation of the world uninhabited, and
unnamed, are now, in 825, deserted by the hermits
on account of the northern sea robbers. They have
innumerable sheep, and many sorts of sea fowl."
This would show that even before the settlement of
the Northmen in Iceland about 825 (and in one of
the sagas it is said the first settlers found in the West-
mann Isles books and other articles of Irish priests),
the facility of subsistence had drawn some individuals
to those rocks in the northern ocean, and they were
KINGS OF NORWAY. 41
Chap. I.
then known lands. Sweden had a still stronger attrac- ^^f^^f
tion for the warlike tribes from the interior of Asia,
who were pressing upon the population of Europe
south of the Baltic, and which has been overlooked
by the historians who treat of the migrations of man-
kind from or to the north in the rude ages. Sweden
alone had iron and copper for arms and utensils close
to the surface of the earth, and, from the richness of
the ores, to be obtained by the simplest processes of
smelting. This natural advantage must, in those ages,
have made Sweden a rallying point for the Asiatic
populations coming into Europe from the north of
Asia, and from countries destitute of the useful metals
in any abundant or easily obtained supply. To them
Sweden was a Mexico or Peru, or rather an arsenal
from which they must draw their weapons before they
could proceed to Germany. This circumstance itself
may account for the apparently absurd opinion of the
swarms of Goths who invaded Europe having come
from Scandinavia ; and for the apparently absurd
tradition of Odin, or the Asiatics invading and occu-
pying Scandinavia in preference to the more genial
countries and climes to the south of the Baltic ; and
for the historical fact of a considerable trade having
existed, from the most remote times, between Novo-
gorod and Sweden, and of which, in the very earliest
ages, Wisby, in the Isle of Gotland, was the entrepot
or meeting-place for the exchange of products. The
great importance of this physical advantage of Scan-
dinavia in the abundance of copper and iron, to an
ancient warlike population, will be understood best if
we take the trouble to calculate what quantity of iron
or copper must have been expended in those days as
ammunition, in missile weapons, by an ordinary army
in an ordinary battle. We cannot reckon less than one
ounce weight of iron, on an average, to each arrow-
head, from twenty to twenty- four dropj or an ounce
Cha
42 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, and a quarter to an ounce and a half, beine: considered
DISSERT. ^ . 1 5
by modern archers the proper weight of an arrow;
and we cannot reckon that bowmen took the field Avith
a smaller provision than four sheaves of arrows, or
heads for that number. A sheaf of twenty-four arrows
would not keep a bowman above ten or twelve minutes ;
and in an ordinary battle of three or four hours, allow-
ing that arrows might be picked up and shot back in
great numbers, we cannot suppose a smaller provision
belonging to and transported with a body of bowmen
than ninety-six rounds each, which, for a body of
4000 men only, would amount to above fourteen tons
weiofht of iron in arrow-heads alone. For castinsr
spears or javelins, of which in ancient armies, as in the
Roman, more use was made than of the bow, we can-
not reckon less than six ounces of iron to the spear
head, or less than two spears to each man ; and this
gives us nearly two tons weight more of iron for
4000 men as their provision in this kind of missile.
Of hand- weapons, such as swords, battleaxes, halberds,
spears, and of defensive armour, such as head-jDieces
and shields, which every man had, and coats of mail
or armour, which some had, it is sufficient to observe
that all of it would be lost iron to the troops who were
defeated, or driven from the field of battle leaving
their killed and wounded behind, and all had to be
replaced by a fresh supply of iron. We see in this
great amount of iron or bronze arms, to be provided
and transported with even a very small body of men
in ancient times, why a single battle was almost always
decisive, and every thing was staked upon the issue
of a single day ; and we see why defeat, as in the case
of the battle of Hastings and many others, was almost
always irrecoverable with the same troops. They
had no ammunition on the losing side after a battle.
We may judge from these views how important and
valuable it must have been for an invading army of
Chap. I.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 43
Goths, or whatever name they bore, coming from prelim.
Asia to Europe, to have got possession of Sweden ;
so important, indeed, that it is reasonable to believe
that if ever an Asiatic people invaded Europe north
of the Carpathian mountains, the invaders would first
of all proceed north along the Vistula and other rivers
falling into the Baltic, and put themselves in com-
munication, by conquest or commerce, with the coun-
try which supplied their ammunition, and would then
issue armed from the north, and break into the Roman
empire, and be considered as a people coming originally
from some northern hive. Scandinavia certainly never
had food for more human beings than its present in-
habitants, and could never have poured out the suc-
cessive multitudes who, by all accounts, are said to
have come in from the north upon the Roman pro-
vinces ; but in this view it is likely that the flood of
people actually did pour in from the north, to which
the march must of necessity have been first directed
from Asia. It may be objected to these views, that
iron or metal was not of such prime necessity as we
make it to these barbarians in their warfare ; that
flint or other stones were much used for arrow-heads,
and that we find such commonly in museums, and
even stones that have evidently been intended for
javelins or battleaxes. If we look, however, at what
exists out of museums, we find that stones which
admit of being chiselled, sharpened, or brought to an
edge or point that would pierce cloth, leather, or any
defensive covering, and inflict a deadly wound, are
among the rarest productions. Granite, gneiss, sand-
stone, limestone, all rise in lumps and cubical masses,
scarcely to be reduced by any labour or skill to shapes
suitable for a spear or arrow head. Countries of
vast extent are without stone at all near the surface
of the earth, and many without such a kind of stone
as could be edged or pointed, without such skill and
44 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, labour as would make stone arrow-heads more scarce
DISSERT. Till! 1 /-w/.
and valuable than metal ones. Of such stones as
might be substituted for metal in missile weapons it
happens, singularly enough, that Scandinavia itself is
more productive than any part of the north of Europe,
if we except perhaps the districts of England abounding
in flint. Our ordinary museum arrow-heads of stone,
or what our country people, when they turn them up
by the plough, call elf-bolts, from an obscure impres-
sion that they do not belong to the soil, but are, from
the regularity of their shape, an artificial production,
are in reality the organic fossil called by geologists
the Belemnite, which, tapering to a point at both
ends from regular equally poised sides, is, in its natu-
ral fossil state, an arrow-head. This fossil, and the
sharp schists, which could easily be formed into
effective points for missile weapons, abound particu-
larly in that great indenture of the Norwegian coast
called the Skager Rack, and in the middle ages called
Yicken, or the Wick, or Yik, between the Naze of
Norway and the Sound or the coast of Jutland, and
from Avhich Pinkerton conjectures the Scottish Picts
or Victi, if they were a Gothic tribe, originally pro-
ceeded. He founds his conjecture on the similarity
of name ; and the Yikings or pirates probably derived
their name from this district of Viken in which they
harboured, and for the obvious reason that here the
means of replenishing their ships mth the missile
arms of the age abounded. Hardsteinagriot, or small
hard stones, appear to have been even an article of
export at a very early date from Telemark, and to
have been shipped from the coast to which they were
transported in quantities of 1500 loads at a time from
the interior.* Stones for throwing by hand (the
sling, on account of the space required around the
* Krafts BeskryvelsCj 111. 154, Kong Sverrer's Saga^ by Jacob Aal^
note on cap. 91.
Chap. I.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 45
slinger, seems never to have been in use) were so im- ^^|se\J5;
portant an article in the sea fights of those times, that
the ships of war, or long- ships, were always accom-
panied on the viking cruises by transports or ships
of burden, to carry the plunder, clothes, and pro-
visions, the ships of war being loaded with arms and
stones. We find two transport vessels to ten ships of
war in the Saga of Saint Olaf, as the number with him
when he left his ships of war at the mouth of the
Humber, after a long viking expedition, and returned
to Norway, with 220 men, in his two transport ships.
Earl Rognwald, the son of Koli, invaded Earl Paul in
Orkney with six ships of war, five boats of a size to
cross the sea from Norway, and three ships of bur-
den*; and in all their expeditions ships of burden
were required in some proportion to the ships of war,
owing to the great stowage necessary for their wea-
pons. In the Faereyinga Saga, in which the exploits
of a viking J called Sigmund Brestisson are related
minutely, we read of his walking across a small island
on the Swedish coast, and discovering five ships of
another viking at anchor on the opposite side, and he
returned to his own ships, passed the whole night in
landing his goods and plunder, and breaking up stones
on shore, and loading his vessel with them, and at
daylight he went to attack the other viking, and
* Olaf s Saga^ cap. 27. Orkneyinga Saga.
J Viking and sea-king are not synonymous^ although, from the com-
mon termination in king, the words are used, even by our historians,
indiscriminately. The sea-king was a man connected with a royal race
either of the small kings of the country, or of the Haarfager family, and
who by right received the title of king as soon as he took the command
of men, although only of a single ship's crew, and without having any
land or kingdom. The viking is a word not connected with the word
kongr or king. Vikings were merely pirates, alternately peasants and
pirates, deriving the name of viking from the viks, wicks, or inlets on
the coast in which they harboured with their long ships or rowing
galleys. Every sea-king was a viking, but every viking was not a
sea-king.
Chap. I.
46 CHRONICLE OF THE
D?ssERT c^P^^^^^ ^i^ vessels. In the engagement of Earl Paul
in Orkney with the friends of Earl Kognwald he re-
fused the assistance of men from Erling of Tankerness,
off which place the battle was fought, because he had
as many men as could find room to fight in his vessels,
but required his assistance in carrying out stones from
the shore to his vessels as long as the enemy would
allow it to be done safely. Stones could not be trans-
ported or distributed in a conflict on land ; and on this
account the Northmen appear generally to have kept
to their ships in their battles, and, even when maraud-
ing on land, to have had their ships far up the rivers
to retire upon. This circumstance, namely, the great
bulk in stowage, and in transport by land, of the usual
arms of the age, arrows, casting spears, and stones, in
any considerable quantities for a body of troops, and
the difiiculty of concentrating stores of them just at
the spot where they are needed on land, accounts in
a great measure for the success of comparatively small
bodies of invaders landins^ on the coasts of Eno^land,
or Normandy, in those ages. The invaders had the
advantage of a supply of weapons in their vessels to
retire upon, or to advance from ; while their opponents
having once expended what they carried with them,
which could scarcely exceed the consumption in one
ordinary battle of a few hours' duration, would be
totally without missiles.
In the settlement of an Asiatic population in Scan-
dinavia, which, whatever may have been the cause or
inducement for preferring that side of the Baltic, un-
doubtedly did take place at an unascertained date,
under a chief called Odin, we find a remarkable dif-
ference of social arrangement — and a sufiicient cause
for it — from that social arrangement which grew up
among the people who invaded and seized on the
ancient Roman empire. The latter were settling in
countries of which the land was already appropriated ;
KINGS OF NORWAY. 47
and however warlike and numerous we may conceive preltm.
these invaders to have been, they could be but a
handful compared to the numbers of the old indige-
nous inhabitants. They of necessity, and for security,
had to settle as they had conquered, in military array,
under local military chiefs whose banners they had
followed in war, and were, for safety and mutual pro-
tection, obliged to rally around in peace. The people
had the same military duties to perform to their
chiefs, and their chiefs to the general commander or
king, as in the field. They were, in fact, an army in
cantonments in an enemy's country ; and this, which
is the feudal system, is the natural system of social
arrangement in every country taken possession of by
invaders in spite of the indigenous original inhabit-
ants. It is found in several provinces of India, in
several of the South Sea Islands, and wheresoever
men have come into a country and seized the land of
the first occupants. But where there is none to dis-
turb the invaders — where they are themselves the
first occupants, this military arrangement is unneces-
sary, and therefore unnatural. The first invaders of
Scandinavia have entered into an unhinhabited or un-
appropriated country, or if inhabited, it has been by a
wandering or very unwarlike population, like the
present Laplanders, or the Fenni of Tacitus. We
are entitled to draw this conclusion from the circum-
stance that these invaders did not occupy and sit
down in the country feudally. Each man possessed
his lot of land without reference to or acknowledg-
ment of any other man, — without any local chief to
whom his military service or other quit-rent for his
land was due, — without tenure from, or duty or
obligation to any superior, real or fictitious, except
the general sovereign. The individual settler held his
land, as his descendants in Norway still express it, by
the same right as the king held his crown — by udal
Chap. I.
48 CHRONICLE OF THE
D^lsE^RT ^igl^t, or adel, — that is, noble right ; subject to no
feudal burden, servitude, escheat, or forfeiture to a su-
perior from any feudal casualty. This was the natural
arrangement of society, and the natural principle of
possession in a country not previously occupied, and
in which the settlers had consequently no reason for
submitting to feudal obligations and to a military
organisation. When the very same people, these un-
feudalised Northmen, came to conquer and settle in
Normandy, in a country appropriated and peopled,
and which they had to defend as well as to invade
and occupy, they naturally adopted the feudal social
arrangement necessary for their security, and main-
tained it in all its rigour. In the very same century
the kinsmen of the same chief, Rolf Ganger, who was
conquering and feudally occupying Normandy, came
to settle in Iceland, where they had no occasion for the
military organisation and principle of the feudal sys-
tem in the unappropriated, uninhabited island ; and
they occupied it not feudally, but, as their ancestors
had occupied the mother country itself, udally. The
udal landowners, although exempt from all feudal
services, exactions, or obligations to any other man
as their local chief, or, in feudal language, the supe-
rior of their lands, were by no means exempt from
services or taxes to the king or general chief, who was
udal-born to the sovereignty of the whole or of a
part of the country, and was acknowledged by the
Thing or assembly of the landowners of the district.
The kingly power was as great as in any feudally
constituted country, either for calling out men and
ships for his military expeditions abroad or at home,
or for raising taxes. The scatt was a fixed land-tax,
paid to the king either in money or in kind, that is,
in natural products of the land, and was collected by
his officers yearly in each district, or even let for a
proportion of the amount to his friends or lendermen
Chap. I.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 49
during life or pleasure. This class of lendermen ap- ^{^|^^^/
pears to have been the nearest approach to a feudal
class in their social arrangements ; but the lend was a
temporary, not an hereditary holding, and was not
accompanied by any feudal privileges or baronial
powers. The kings also received in their royal pro-
gresses through the country free lodging and enter-
tainment for themselves and a certain fixed number
of herdrnen^ that is a court, for a certain fixed number
of days in each district. All the most minute parti-
culars of the supplies which each farm or little estate
— for each little farm was a distinct udal estate — had
to furnish, the turns in which each locality was liable to
this entertaining of the king and court, the time and
numbers of the court followers to be entertained, were
matters of fixed law, and settled by the Things of each
district. In these circuits the kings assembled the
district Things, and with the assistance of the logman,
who appears to have been a local judge, either heredi-
tary or appointed by the Thing, settled disputes be-
tween parties, and fixed the amount of money com-
pensation or fine to be paid to the injured party. All
ofi'ences and crimes, from the murder of the king
himself down to the very slightest injury, or infraction
of law, were valued and compensated for in money,
and divided in certain portions between the party in-
jured, (or his next of kin if he was murdered,) and
the king. The oiFender was an outlaw until he, or his
friends for him, had paid the mulct or compensation,
and could be slain, mthout any mulct or fine for
his murder. The friends of the injured or mur-
dered party could refuse to accept of any compensa-
tion in money, but could lawfully wait an opportunity,
and take their revenge in kind. The king could only
remit his own share of the mulct, but not that of the
friends of the murdered party ; and not to revenge an
injury received and not compromised by a compen-
VOL. I. E
50 CHRONICLE OF THE
Chap. I.
PRELIM, sation, appears to have been considered highly dis-
honourable. The revenues of the kings appear to
have been drawn, in some considerable proportion,
from this source. When not engaged in warfare they
appear to have been subsisted, as their ordinary mode
of living, on these royal circuits or progresses through
the country. The kings had no fixed residence or
palace in Norway ; but had estates or royal domains
in every district, and houses on them in which they
could lodge for a time, and receive what was due for
their entertainment in victuals from the neighbour-
hood ; but these houses appear to have been no better
mansions than the houses on any other estates, and
the kings were usually lodged, with their courts, as
well as subsisted, by the landowners or bonders. This
usage of royal progresses for the subsistence of the
royal household appears to have been introduced into
England at the Norman, or rather at the previous
Danish conquest ; and the purveyance for it was a
royal right, which continued to be exercised do^vn to
the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign.
Before the introduction or general diffusion of
writing, it is evident that a class of men whose sole
occupation was to commit to memory and preserve
the laws, usages, precedents, and details of all those
civil affairs and rights, and to whose fidelity in re-
lating former transactions imrlicit confidence could
be given, must of necessity have existed in society —
must have been in every locality ; and from the vast
number and variety of details in every district, and
the great interests of every community, must have
been esteemed and recompensed in proportion to their
importance in such a social state. .This class were
the scalds — the men who were the living books, to
be referred to in every case of law or property in
which the past had to be applied to the present.
Before the introduction of Christianity, and with
KINGS OF NORWAY. , 51
Christianity the use of written documents, and the ^^^^yjj^r
diffusion, by the church establishment, of writino; in ,
CJhap I
every locality, the scald must have been among the
pagan landowners what the parish priest and his
written record were in the older Christianised coun-
tries of Europe. In these all civil affairs were in
written record either of the priest or the lawyer;
and the scalds, in these Christianised countries, were
merely a class of wandering troubadours, poets,
story-tellers, minnesingers, entertained, like the
dwarfs, court-jesters, or jugglers, by the great barons
at their castles, for the entertainment which their
songs, music, stories, or practical jokes might afford.
Here, in this pagan country, they were a necessary
and most important element in the social structure.
They were the registrars of events affecting property,
and filled the place and duty of the lawyer and scribe
in a society in which law was very complicated ; the
succession to property, through affinity and family
connexion, very intricate, from the want of family sur-
names, and the equal rights of all children ; and in
which a priesthood like that of the church of Eome,
spread over the country, and acquainted more or less
with letters, the art of writing, and law, was totally
wanting. The scalds of the north disappeared at
once when Christian priests were established through
the country. They were superseded in their utility
by men of education, who knew the art of writing ;
and the country had no feudal barons to maintain
such a class for amusement only. We hear little of
the scalds after the first half of the 12th century ; and
they are not quoted at all in the portion of Magnus
Erlingsson's reign given by Snorro Sturleson mthin
the 12th century.
Besides the payment of scatt, and the maintenance
of the king's household in the royal progresses, the
whole body of the landowners were bound to attend
E 2
Chap. I.
52 CHRONICLE OF THE
mssERi' ^^^^ ^u^g in arms, and with ships, whenever they Avere
called upon to serve him either at home or abroad.
The king appears, in fact, not only not to have wanted
any prerogative that feudal sovereigns of the same
times possessed, but to have had much more power
than the monarchs of other countries. The middle
link in the feudal system — a nobility of great crown
vassals, with their sub-vassals subservient to them as
their immediate superiors, not to the crown — was
wanting in the social structure of the Northmen.
The kingly power working directly on the people was
more efficient ; and the kings, and all who had a
satisfactory claim to the royal power, had no difficulty
in calling out the people for war expeditions. These
expeditions, often merely predatory in their object,
consisted either of general levies, in which all able-
bodied men, and all ships, great and small, had to
follow the king ; or of certain quota of men, ships, and
provisions, furnished by certain districts according to
fixed law. All the country along the coasts of Nor-
way, and as far back into the land " as the salmon
swims up the rivers," was divided into ship-districts
or ship-rathes ; and each district had to furnish ships
of a certain size, a certain number of men, and a cer-
tain equipment, according to its capability ; and other
inland districts had to furnish cattle and other pro-
vision in fixed numbers. This arransrement was made
by Harald Haarfager's successor, Hakon, who reigned
between 933 and 961 ; and as Hakon was the foster-
son of Athelstan of England, and was bred up to
manhood in his court, it is not improbable that this
arrangement may have been borrowed from the similar
arrangement made by King Alfred for the defence of
the English coast against the Noi'thmen ; unless we
take the still more probable conjecture that Alfred
borrowed it himself from them, as they were certainly
in all naval and military afikirs superior to his own
KINGS OF NORWAY. 53
people in that age. It is to be observed, that, for the
Northmen, these levies for predatory expeditions were
by no means unpopular or onerous. ^' To gather
property " by plundering the coasts of cattle, meal,
malt, wool, slaves, was a favourite summer occupation.
When the crops were in the ground in spring, the
whole population, which was seafaring as well as
agricultural in its habits, was altogether idle until
harvest; and the great success in amassing booty, as
vikings, on the coasts, made the Leding, as it was
called, a favourite service during many reigns : and it
appears that the service might be commuted some-
times into a war tax, when it was inconvenient to go
on the levy. Every man, it is to be observed, who
went upon these expeditions, was udal born to some
portion of land at home; that is, had certain udal
rights of succession, or of purchase, or of partition,
connected with the little estate of the family of which
he was a member. All these complicated rights and
interests connecting people settled in Northumberland,
East Anglia, Normandy, or Iceland, with landed pro-
perty situated in the valleys of Norway, required a
body of men, like the scalds, whose sole occupation
was to record in their stories trustworthy accounts,
not only of the historical events, but of the deaths,
intermarriages, pedigrees, and other family circum-
stances of every person of any note engaged in them.
We find, accordingly, that the sagas are, as justly ob-
served by Pinkerton, rather memoirs of individuals
than history. They give the most careful heraldic
tracing of every man's kin they speak of, because he
was kin to landowners at home, or they were kin to
him. In such a social state we may believe that the
class of scalds were not, as we generally suppose,
merely a class of story-tellers, poets, or harpers, going
about with gossip, song, and music ; but were inter-
woven with the social institutions of the country, and
E 3
PRICUM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
54 CHRONICLE 0¥ THE
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
PRELIM, had a footino^ in the material interests of the people.
DTSSF.RT. p ^ .
To take an interest in the long-past events of history
is an acquired intellectual taste, and not at all the
natural taste of the unlettered man. When we are
told of the Norman baron in his castle-hall, or the
Iceland peasant's family around their winter fireside
in their turf-built huts, sitting do^vn in the 10th or
11th century to listen to, get by heart, and transmit
to the rising generation, the accounts of historical
events of the 8th or 9th century in Norway, England,
or Denmark, we feel that, however pleasing this pic-
ture may be to the fancy, it is not true to nature, — not
consistent with the human mind in a rude illiterate
social state. But when we consider the nature of
the peculiar udal principle by which land or other
property was transmitted through the social body of
these Northmen,'we see at once a sufficient foundation
in the material interests, both of the baron and the
peasant, for the support of a class of traditionary
relators of past events. Every person in every expe-
dition was udal born to something at home, — to the
kingdom, or to a little farm ; and this class were the
recorders of the vested rights of individuals, and of
family alliances, feuds, or other interests, when written
record was not known. For many generations after
the first Northmen settled in England or Normandy,
it must, from the uncertain issue of their hostilities
with the indigenous inhabitants, have been matter of
deep interest to every individual to know how it stood
with the branch of the family in possession of the
piece of udal land in the mother-country to which he
also was udal born, that is, had certain eventual
rights of succession ; and whether to return and claim
their share of any succession which may have opened
up to them in Norway must have been a question
with settlers in Northumberland, Normandy, or Ice-
land, which could only be solved by the information
KINGS OF NORWAY.
55
derived from such a class as the scalds. Before the
clergy by their superior learning extinguished the
vocation of this class among the Northmen, the scalds
appear to have been frequently employed also as con-
fidential messengers or ambassadors ; as, for instance,
in the proposal of a marriage between Olaf King of
Norway and the daughter of King Olaf of Sweden, and
of a peace between the two countries to be established
by this alliance. The scalds, by their profession, could
go from court to court without suspicion, and in com-
parative safety; because, being generally natives of
Iceland, they had no hereditary family feuds with the
people of the land, no private vengeance for family
injuries to apprehend; and being usually rewarded by
gifts of rings, chains, goblets, and such trinkets, they
could, without exciting suspicion, carry with them
the tokens by which, before the art of writing was
common in courts, the messenger who had a private
errand to unfold was accredited. When kings or
great people met in those ages they exchanged gifts
or presents with each other, and do so still in the
East ; and the original object of this custom was that
each should have tokens known to the other, by which
any bearer afterwards should be accredited to the
original owner of the article sent with him in token,
and even the amount of confidence to be reposed in
him denoted. We, with writing at command, can
scarcely perhaps conceive the shifts people must have
been put to, when even the most simple communication
or order had to be delivered viva voce to some agent
who was to carry it, and who had' to produce some
credential or token that he was to be believed. Every
act of importance between distant parties had to be
transacted by tokens. Our wonder and incredulity
cease when we consider that such a class of men as
those who composed and transmitted this great mass
of saga literature were evidently a necessary element
E 4
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
56 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSERT
Chap. I.
d?sIert ^^ ^^^^ social arrangements of the time and people, and,
together with their literature or traditional songs and
stories, were intimately connected with the material
interests of all, and especially of those who had pro-
perty and power. They were not merely a class of
wandering poets, troubadours, or story-tellers, Hving
by the amusement they afforded to a people in a state
too rude to support any class for their intellectual
amusement only. The scalds, who appear to have
been divided into two classes, — poets, who composed
or remembered verses in which events were related, or
chiefs and their deeds commemorated ; and saga-men,
who related historical accounts of transactions past
or present, — were usually, it may be said exclusively,
of Iceland.
It is usually considered a wonderful and unaccount-
able phenomenon in the history of the middle ages,
that an island like Iceland, producing neither corn nor
wood, situated in the far north, ice-bound in part even
in summer, surrounded by a wild ocean, and shaken
and laid waste by volcanic fire, should, instead of
being an uninhabited land, or inhabited only by rude
and ignorant fishermen, have been the centre of intel-
ligence in the north, and of an extensive literature.
It is wonderful ; but, if we consider the causes, the
phenomenon is naturally and soberly accounted for.
Iceland was originally colonised by the most cultivated
and peaceful of the mother country ; the nobihty and
people of the highest civihsation then in the north
flying, in the 9th century, and especially after the
battle of Hafursfiord, from what they considered the
tyranny of Harald Haarfager, and the oppression of
the feudal system Avhich he was attempting to esta-
blish in Norway. It was an emigration from principle.
The very poor and ignorant, and those who merely
sought gain mthout any higher motive for their
emigration, could not go to Iceland; because a suitable
Chap. I.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 57
vessel, with the necessary outfit and stock, could only J^^jEi^^j^^:
be afforded by people of the highest class, and they
only had to dread the jealousy and power of Haar-
fager. Their friends, retainers, housemen, and ser-
vants attached to their families, went with them ; but
the landnammen^ the origines gentis, were the sons
and brothers of the nobles and kings, as they were
called, who from the very same cause, the dread and
hatred of Haarfager's power, went out to plunder and
conquer on the coasts of England and France. At the
very same period that Eolf Ganger set out on his ex-
pedition, which ended in the conquest of Normandy,
one of his brothers sought a peaceful asylum in the
uninhabited Iceland ; and the more peaceful of the
higher class in those days were, we may presume,
the most civilised and cultivated of their age. New
England, perhaps, and Iceland, are the only modern
colonies ever founded on principle, and peopled at
first from higher motives than want or gain ; and we
see at this day a lingering spark in each of a higher
mind than in populations which have set out from a
lower level. The original settlers in Iceland carried
with them whatever there was of civilisation or in-
telligence in Norway; and for some generations at
least were free from the internal feuds, and always
were free from the external wars and depredations on
their coasts, which kept other countries in a state of
barbarism. They enjoyed security of person and pro-
perty. The means of subsistence in Iceland were not
so very different from the means in Norway, nor of
so much more difficult attainment, as might on a hasty
view be supposed. The south coast of Iceland is not
higher north than the country about Drontheim fiord,
and the most northerly part is barely within the
Arctic Circle. A large proportion of the population of
Norway lived in those ages, and live now, in as high a
latitude ; and, from not being surrounded by the ocean
58 CHRONICLE OF THE
Chap. I.
pRj|LiM. on all sides, in a severer climate ; and under the local
disadvantage, from the shape of the country, that the
Fielde or mountain ridges in Norway approach much
closer to the shore, and leave much less flat level pas-
ture land between them and the sea than the mountains
of Iceland. The cultivation of corn is as much out of
the question in a great proportion of Norway as in
Iceland. The people in the upland districts of every
province of Norway, and almost all the population
north of the Namsen river, draw the main part of
their subsistence at present from the natural products
of the land and water, — the pasture for their cattle,
and the fishing in the rivers, the lakes, and the sea.
These natural products are as abundant in Iceland as
in Norway ; and the butter, cheese, wool, dried meat,
fish, oil, feathers, skins, the wadmal or coarse woollen
cloth, and the coarse linen spun and woven in their
households, would be more in demand, more readily
exchangeable, and of higher comparative value in
former times, than such Icelandic products are now.
With the surplus of such articles beyond their own
consumpt the Icelanders could supply their own most
pressing wants. These were for corn and wood —
articles of first necessity, which did not admit of the
population sinking into indolence and apathy in pro-
viding them. An intercourse and regular trade with
England and Denmark for meal and malt, and with
Norway for wood, tools of metal, and other neces-
saries of life, must have existed from the first years
of the colonisation of Iceland. The Icelanders had
consequently from the first more easy and regular op-
portunities of visiting foreign countries, and returning
again to their own, than the natives of any other
country in the north in those ages. They appear also
to have traded without molestation, and never to have
molested others. No Icelandic viking is mentioned in
the sagas, even in the ages when a viking cruise was
KINGS OF NORWAY.
59
deemed an honourable occupation. Iceland men are
mentioned in the sagas, occasionally, as being in the
service of vikings of Norway, as hired men ; but no
long-ship, or viking belonging to Iceland, is men-
tioned. The necessity of trading in peace across the
sea, and of giving no pretext for capture or retalia-
tion on Iceland vessels, may have been one cause for
this remarkable abstinence from the favourite pursuit
of the nobles of those ages in other northern countries.
It could not be from the cause to which it is usually
attributed, the want of wood in the country to build
long-ships. The Icelanders had to buy merchant ships
in Norway of a size to cross the sea, and appear to
have had them in abundance ; and the same class of
people who fitted out viking expeditions in other
countries could have purchased long- ships as easily as
ships of burden. Their neighbours in the Feroe Islands
were eqiially destitute of wood ; yet they had a very
celebrated viking, Sigmund Breestesen. The Orkney
Islands had their Swein, a renowned viking, so late as
the 12th century. But in none of the sagas in which
the exploits of these vikings are related, is there any
mention of any Iceland viking at any period. The fair
inference is, that the men who emigrated from Nor-
way to Iceland, and who were of the class and had
the means to fit out long-ships for piracy, were men
more advanced in civilisation and intelligence, and of
higher principle, than men of the same class in that
age in the other northern countries. In all the sagas
there appears a kind of reluctance to dwell upon or
approve of that part of the hero's life passed in viking
expeditions, or in ''gathering property" by piracy.
One imagines, at least, that in the Saga of Olaf Tryg-
gvesson, of Olaf the Saint, and of other great chiefs, the
saga-man shows a disposition to hurry over this part
of their lives, to throw it into the years of extreme
youth, and not to approve himself of that part of his
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I,
Chap. I.
60 CHRONICLE OF THE
ms^sERT. ^^1^- The comparatively safe intercourse which the
Icelanders undoubtedly had with other countries gave
them a higher education, that is, the means of ac-
quiring a greater stock of information on what was
doing in other countries, than any other people of
those times. When we consider that these Icelandic
colonists were connected by the udal law of succes-
sion with the principal families and estates in Norway,
Denmark, Sweden, England, and France, and were
deeply interested in the conquests, revolutions, battles,
or changes going on, and in which their friends and
relations were the chief actors, we can understand
that an historical spirit must have grown up in such a
population — a great desire to know, and a great
talent to remember and relate. Heritable interests
and rights of families in Iceland were involved in
what was going on in Normandy and Northumber-
land as much as in Drontheim ; and the consideration
in which the scald or saga-man who could give ac-
counts of such events was held, may not be exagge-
rated in the sagas. In a community of such colonists,
the class of scalds remembering and relating past trans-
actions was an essential element, and must have been
held in the highest honour. To return home to Ice-
land appears, indeed, to have been the end which the
most favoured scald at the courts of kings proposed to
himself. From their opportunities of visiting various
countries, the Icelandic scalds were undoubtedly the
educated men of the times when books did not in any
way contribute to intelligence, or to forming the mind ;
but only extensive intercourse with men, and the in-
formation gathered from it. Having by the lapse of
time no family feuds even with the people of Norway,
no injuries, national or private, to avenge or to fear
vengeance for from others, the Icelander could travel
through other countries on private or public affairs
with a degi^ee of personal security which people of the
KINGS OF NORWAY.
61
highest rank and power belonging to the country
were strangers to in those unhappy ages. This ad-
vantao^e was sufficient of itself to make them a useful
class in every court. They were not only neutral
men in every strife ; but, from their travel and expe-
rience, men of intelhgence, prudence, and safe counsel,
compared to men of no intellectual culture at all,* and
acquainted only with arms and violence. They had
also the advantage of speaking in its greatest purity
what was the court language in Norway, Sweden,
Denmark, England, and at Kouen.* The moral influ-
ence which the scalds enjoyed, as counsellors and per-
sonal friends and advisers of many of the kings, may
not be exaggerated in the sagas ; for it appears to be
that which knowledge and education would naturally
obtain amidst ignorance and barbarity. The class of
scalds and saga-men, supported by intellectual labour
in the north of Europe, may not have been very nu-
merous at any one time ; but owing to the favourable
circumstances peculiar to the Icelanders, the profession
centred in Iceland. We hear of no scalds of any
other country, not even of Norway. All the intellec-
tual labour of the kind required in the north of Europe
was derived from Iceland. We may surely reckon
the population in the north of Europe using a common
tongue in those times, — of Scandinavia, Denmark, Jut-
land, and Schleswig ; of the kingdom of Northumber-
land, East Anglia, and of parts of Mercia ; of Normandy,
in some proportion of its inhabitants ; of the Hebrides
and Isle of Man, in some proportion ; of the Orkney,
Shetland, and Feroe Islands, altogether, — to have
* Normandy^ it is to be always remembered in reading the history
of those ages, was conquered, but not colonised, as Iceland and Northum-
berland were colonised, by the introduction of a totally new population,
with their own laws, manners, and language. In Normandy, so early
as the time of Duke Richard, the second in descent from Rolf Ganger,
his son had to be sent to Bayeux to acquire the pure northern language,
it having been already corrupted at the court.
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. I.
62 CHRONICLE OF THE
D?lsERT a^no^inted to two millions of people. Small as the
^ demand miff lit be for intellectual gratification anion o^
Chap. I. ^ ^ ^
these two millions, yet they were scattered over coun-
tries mdely apart, and they used a common tongue,
and had a real and effective relationship of families
among them all ; and the desire for news of what was
doing in other lands, and for narratives of events
which might be of importance in their family interests,
would be sufficient to give an impulse to such a small
population as that of Iceland, which never exceeded
sixty or sixty-four thousand people, to give employ-
ment to all the surplus talent of such a population,
and to keep up a literary tone, if it may be so called,
of the public mind in such a handful of people. Men
of any talent would naturally endeavour to qualify
themselves for that profession in which several, and
probably a considerable number, attained distinction,
wealth, or high consideration. It was better than the
chance of advantage from embarking as a private sea-
man or man-at-arms in viking forays and cruises
under a sea-king ; better than staying at home tending-
cattle, cutting peats, making hay, and catching and
curing fish. The same motives operate in the same
way at this day in the social economy of Iceland.
The youth of talents and ambition study, come to the
university of Copenhagen, become often men of very
great attainments and learning, and with as few
chances or examples before them of substantial re-
ward for their labours as the scalds, their prede-
cessors, could have had. The impulse to mind in
any community being once given, either by accidental
or physical circumstances, the movement in the same
direction goes on, and seems to be permanent — never
to cease. The perpetuity of intellectual movement,
of the direction of mind and mental energy in the
same way, even when laws, government, and all social
arrangements, and even religion itself, are altered,
KINGS OF NORWAY. 63
Chap. I.
and the old forms not even remembered, is one of the p'^elim.
most singular and interesting of the phenomena in
the nature of man. It is strikingly illustrated in Ice-
land. The Icelandic youth prepare themselves now
for a learned profession, as the scalds did 800 years
ago, exactly from the same intellectual impulse, al-
though in a different field ; and the movement of the
public mind towards intellectual occupation appears
to have remained in this small community unchanged,
undiminished, and only less visible because it is not
now the only community in the north with the same
movement. The continued tendency of mind in Ice-
land to literary pursuits appears when we compare
them, in numbers not exceeding at present 56,000
individuals, with any equal number of the British
population. The Icelanders had a printing-press
among them in the first half of the 16th century;
and many works in Latin and in Icelandic have been
printed at Skalholt, Holen, and other places. The
counties of Orkney and Shetland, with an equal popu-
lation,— of Caithness, Sutherland, Ross, with probably
double the population, — have not at this day any such
intellectual movement, or any press that could print
a book, or any book produced within themselves to
print. The whole Celtic population in Scotland, since
the beginning of time, never produced in their lan-
guage a tithe of the hterature that has been composed
and printed in Icelandic by the Icelanders for their
own use within this century. The modern literature
of Iceland, or even its saga literature, may not be con-
sidered by the critic of a very high class or value, or
of merit in itself; but, in judging of the intellectuality
of a people, the philosopher will regard its amount
and diffusion as of much more importance than its
quahty. That belongs to the author, and measures
merely the genius and talents of the individual : the
amount and diffusion measure the intellectual con-
64
CHRONICLE OF THE
Chap. I.
ms^ERT. dition of the society. Apply this measure to any^
town or county in Great Britain of 56,000 inhabitants,
and we will find little reason to boast of a more ad-
vanced intellectual condition among us than that
which the Icelanders appear to retain at this day from
bygone times, when an intellectual character was
impressed on the public mind in their small commu-
nity by the scalds ; and little reason to believe that
the monkish historians of the Anglo-Saxons, in the
same ages in which the scalds flourished, have left
more deep or influential traces of their literature in
the parts of Europe in which they were the only men
engaged in those ages in intellectual occupation, than
the scalds have done in the narrow circle in which
alone they could have influence on posterity.
In these observations on the saga literature, nothing
is said of or allowed for the Runic writing inscribed
on rocks, monumental stones, wooden staves, drinking
cups of horn or metal, arms, or ornaments, for which
at one period a high antiquity was claimed. It seems
to be now admitted that a Runic character, apparently
borrowed from the Gothic and Roman, and adapted
to the material on which it was usually cut, viz. hard
stone or wood, by converting all the curves of the
letters into straight lines for the facility of cutting,
has existed from a very early age among the North-
men. It would, indeed, be absurd to suppose that an
intelligent people roaming over the world, who had
appeared in the Mediterranean in the days of
Charlemagne, and had a regular body of troops, the
VaBringer, in the pay of the Greek Emperors at Con-
stantinople, should not have adopted, or imitated,
what would be useful at home, as far as applicable to
their means. This appears to have been precisely the
extent to which Runic writing was applied. From want
of means to write, — that is, the want of the parchment,
paper, ink, and writing tools, — the writing in Runic
Chap. I.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 65
was almost entirely confined to short monumental ^fj^^^^j^-
inscriptions recording the death of an individual, the
name of the person who erected the stone to his
memory, and also the name of the person who cut the
letters — a proof that the use of the Runic characters
was rare, and confined to a few. Of these Eunic
inscriptions, of which a thousand or more have been
examined by antiquaries, few can be placed before the
introduction of Christianity in the 1 1th century. The
sign of the cross may, in the dreams of the zealous
antiquary, appear the sign of Thor's hammer ; but
there is no evidence that the pagans used such a
symbol, and the obvious interpretation of such a
mark upon a tombstone is that it belongs to the age
of Christianity. Torfseus, whose antiquarian zeal was
tempered with a love of truth, and whose antiquarian
knowledge has not been surpassed, says * not only that
the Runic inscriptions throw no light upon history,
but are so intricate and confused, that what you may
imagine you catch by the eye you cannot by the un-
derstanding ; and in proof of his remark he refers to
conflicting interpretations of the two greatest Runic
antiquaries, Wormius and Yerelius, of the meaning
of Runic inscriptions, on which they both agree per-
fectly as to the strokes or incisions in the stone.
Barthohnus f also says, in his Danish Antiquities,
that, excepting four or fiye, none of these Runic in-
scriptions are in any way illustrative of history, and
in general are so obscure that the names of the per-
sons for whom the stones are erected can scarcely be
extracted, and much is matter of mere conjecture.
The opinions of these great antiquaries are singularly
confirmed by the recent discovery made by chemical
science, that one of the few Runic inscriptions sup-
posed to be illustrative of history, — one upon a rock
* Torfaeus, Series Regum Dan. cap. viii.
t BartholinuS;, Antiq. Dan. 1. i. cap. 9.
VOL. I. F
Chap. I.
66 CHRONICLE OF THE
£?s1eS ^^ Hoby, near Runamoe, in the Swedish province of
Bleldng, which is mentioned by Saxo Grammaticus as
being, in his time (namely, about 1160), considered
inexphcable, and which modern Eunic scholars inter-
preted a few years ago to relate to the battle of
Braavalle fought about the year 680, — is in reality no
inscription at all, but a mere lusus naturcB; merely
veins of one substance interspersed in the body of
another substance, and forming marks which resemble
Runic letters in the fancy of the antiquary, but which
is an appearance in rocks of granitic formation with
veins of chlorite interspersed, not unfamiliar to the eye
of the mineralogist. Another of the Runic inscrip-
tions, supposed to be illustrative of history, is that on
a rock called Korpeklinte, in the island of Gotland,
which, in Runic characters, told that
^^ Aar halftridium tusanda utdrog Helge med Gutanum sinum ; "
that is, " in the year half three thousand, — videlicet,
two thousand five hundred, — went out Helge with his
Goths." This inscription must be, as Wormius him-
self admits, a gross fabrication ; for the pagan North-
men did not reckon by years, but by winters, and
could have known nothing of the computation of time
from the creation of the world, which is derived from
the Bible, and was unknown to them in the year of
the world 2500. But before the year 1636 somebody
had been at the trouble to attempt to impose upon
the world by this inscription in Runic letters, although
in modern language, and of modern conception. We
may believe that inscriptions on stones in memory of
the dead, — rude calendars cut in wood, — charms on
amulets, rings, shields, or swords, — and tokens of
recognition to be sent by messengers to accredit them
to friends at a distance, may have existed among the
Northmen from their first arrival in Europe ; and
Odiii himself may have invented or used the Runio
KINGS OF NORWAY. 67
character in this way : but we have no ground for Jfi|^,;:iJ[;
believing that any distinct use of writing*, currente ^j^j
calamo^ applicable to the transmission of historical
events, was known before the introduction of Chris-
tianity, and of letters with Christianity, in the 11th
century, or was diffused before the diffusion of
church establishments over the north. If the Runic
had been a written character among the Northmen
of the 9th century, it must have been transported to
Iceland, in which the first settlers were not of the
rude and ignorant, but of the most cultivated of their
age in Norway; but few, if any. Runic inscriptions
of a date prior to the introduction of Christianity are
found in Iceland. If they had possessed the use of
written characters, as they had unquestionably a litera-
ture in Iceland, it would be absurd to believe that
they had not applied the one to the other ; but for two
hundred and forty years — that is, until the time of
Are — should have committed the sagas to memory,
instead of to parchment or paper. Are himself
would have used the Runic character, if writing
Runic had been diffused among the Northmen ; and
although no manuscript of the time of Are exists,
but only early copies of his writings, yet among the
mass of sagas in manuscript some must have been in
Runic characters, if Runic writing had been diffused
among the Icelanders. No Runic manuscript, how-
ever, on parchment or paper, of unquestionable anti-
quity and authenticity, has ever been discovered. A
fragment, entitled '' Historia Hialmari Regis Biorn-
* A remarkable proof how little Runic was known, or used, is, that a
certain Odd Snabiornsson gave notice to Snorro Sturleson of the con-
spiracy against his life in September, 1240, in Runic; but neither
Snorro (certainly not one of the unlearned of his age in the saga or
Icelandic literature), nor any of those with him at the time, could read
the Runic characters ; and Snorro in consequence fell a victim to the
conspiracy, and was murdered in his house on the 22d September, 1240.
— Schoning, Pref. to Heimskringla.
F 2
68 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSERT,
Chap. I
DISSERT 1^^^^ atque Thulemarkiae ex Fragmento Eunici MS.
Uteris recentioribus descripta cum genuina versione
Johannis Peringskoldi," without date, place of pub-
lication, or reference to where the original Eunic
manuscript on skin or paper is to be found, is evidently
a translation of a part of the Saga of Hialmar into
Eunic letters, for the purpose of imposing on the
public, and is to be classed with the Korpe Klinte in-
scription. The controversy concerning the antiquity
and historical value of the Eunic character and inscrip-
tions ran high in the latter half of the 17th century,
and unjustifiable means were used to establish opinions
as facts. This fragment of ancient Eunic writing on
parchment was ascribed by Eudbeck to the 7th cen-
tury, by Stiernman to the 10th, by Biorner to the
11th or 12th. It was incorporated into Hicks's The-
saurus as a specimen of written Eunic. But Arch-
bishop Benzelius, Celsius the elder and Celsius the
younger, Erichson, and Ihre, antiquaries of great note
and authority in Sweden, expressed their doubts of
the authenticity of this fragment at the time it ap-
peared,— about 1690 ; and Nardin, in an Academical
Dissertation, published at Upsal 1774, proves from the
language that this Eunic manuscript is an impudent
forgery.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 69
DISSERT.
Chap. II.
CHAP. II.
OF THE RELIGION OF THE NORTHMEN.
It must strike every reader of sa^ra literature how prelim.
very little we can gather from the sagas of the doc-
trines and usages of the paganism which existed among
the Northmen down to a comparatively late period,
and for five hundred years after the cognate Anglo-
Saxon branch, both on the Continent and in England,
had been entirely Christianised, and had been long
under the full influence of the church and priesthood.
The Anglo-Saxons landed in England about the year
450. They appear at that time to have had a religion
cognate to, if not identical with, that of the Northmen
who landed in England three hundred years afterwards,
or about the year 787. Odin, Thor, Friggia, were
among their deities ; Yule and Easter were religious
festivals ; and the eating of horse-flesh was prohibited
in a council held in Mercia in 785, as " not done by
Christians in the East" — which implies that among
the Anglo-Saxons also it was a pagan custom, derived
from their ancestors. In about a century after the
landing of the Saxons, viz. about 550, the Heptarchy
was in existence ; and in about another century, viz.
about 640, Christianity was generally established
among them. It was not till a century after their
first expeditions, about 787, that the pagan Northmen
made a complete and permanent conquest of the king-
dom of Northumberland, which they held under inde-
pendent Danish princes until 953, when independent
earls, only nominally subject to the English crown,
succeeded ; and even at the compilation of Doomsday
F 3
Chap. II.
70 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM. Book by William the Conqueror, the lands of North-
DISSERT. •/ ^ '
umberland, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and part of
Lancashire, are omitted, as not belonging to England.
Of these Anglo- Northmen the conversion cannot well
be fixed to a date, because they had no scruple ap-
parently of nominally adopting Christianity when it
suited their interests; and they appear to have had no
desire to convert, or to be converted, in their preda-
tory expeditions. As late, however, as the beginning
of the 11th century, the Northmen and their chiefs
were still pagans. Swein, indeed, and his son Canute,
who in 1017 became sole monarch of England, were
zealous Christians ; but they and their contemporaries,
Olaf Tryggvesson and Olaf the Saint, and the small
kings in Norway, were born pagans ; and their con-
version, and the introduction of the Christian religion
and religious institutions into Norway and its depen-
dencies, cannot be dated higher than the first half of
the 11th century. It seems surprising that we know
so little of a pagan religion existing so near our
times, — of this last remnant of paganism among the
European people, existing in vigour almost five hun-
dred years after Christianity and the Romish church
establishment were diffused in every other country !
What we know of it is from the Edda compiled l3y
Saemund the priest, a contemporary of Are who com-
piled the historical sagas. Saemund was born in 1057,
and had travelled and studied in Germany and France.
He lived consequently in an age when many who had
been bred in and understood the religion of their fore-
fathers were still living, and in a country in which,
if any where, its original doctrines and institutions
would be preserved in purity.
If we may take the account of Tacitus as correct,
this ancient religion of the Germanic race must have
been eminently spiritual, and free from idolatry. He
says, in chapter 35. ''DeMoribus Germanorum," that
KINGS OF NORWAY.
71
Chap. II.
they held '^ regnator omnium Deus, cetera subject a Pfs|^^\f|-
atque parentia;" and, in chapter 9,, ^'ceterum nee
cohibere parietibus Deos, neque in uUam humani oris
speciem assimilare ex magnitudine coelestium arbi-
trantur." The polytheism of the ancient Romans,
and the saint worship of the Christian church of
Rome, and probably the infirmity of the human mind
and language requiring, in an uncultivated state,
material forms to represent abstract ideas, had in the
course of ten centuries, between Tacitus and Saemund,
undoubtedly mingled with and moulded the forms
and ideas of the original religion of this race. Idolatry,
in every shape and country, is the result of a struggle
of the human mind to attain fixed ideas in religion.
It is universal at a certain stage of the development
of the intellectual powers of man, because that stage
is as necessary to be passed through as infancy in the
individual, or barbarism in a society of human beings.
A love for religious certainty and truth is at the bot-
tom even of the grossest idolatry, if we analyse it
rightly. Idolatry is an attempt to individualise the
conception of Almighty power, under a strong sense
of its existence — to make it more possible, or more
easy for the mind, in a certain stage of development,
to dwell upon and entertain some present conception
of that power. Idols should be considered by the
Christian philosopher as the imperfect words of a much
more pure religious sentiment than our churchmen
generally suppose — words different, indeed, from
spoken or written words, but intended to convey the
same conception, and used with the same sentiment
by the ignorant idolater as the most poetic imagery
and most eloquent language of our pulpit orator.
The most absurd idols of the Hindu or the South Sea
islander, sent home to the museum of the Missionary
Society as memorials of the spiritual blindness of the
heathens at this day — idols with four or five arms
F 4
72 CHRONICLE OF THE
d?sIert ^^^ wings, griffin-footed, made up, in short, of
emblems of all real or imaginary living beings known
to the ignorant idolater, — are in reality Avords of
which these absurdly combined parts are the syllables,
or rather are the expression of a sentiment of which
these are the words. We smile or shudder in holy
horror at these uncouth representations, forgetting, in
the pride of our philosophy and theology, that the
sentiment is the same — viz. the innate feehng of divine
power ; and perhaps not less intensely felt in the
mind which expresses it in these shapes, than in the
mind which expresses it in the shapes of written or
spoken language. It is but the way of expressing it,
not what is intended to be expressed, that is different.
Idol-language and word-language have the same ob-
ject— namely, to express the impression or sentiment
of almighty power and divine existence innate in the
human mind ; and who shall say that we approach
nearer to the understanding and expressing of this
almighty power and divine nature, " which passeth
understanding," with our alphabet, or written or
spoken words, than the ignorant idolater, without
words in his language to express his ideas, in his
carved and painted idol-language ? Each means may
be the best adapted for different states and stages of
the development of the human mind. It has a stage
in its development at which, in a highly civilised
country, a little black stroke with a dot over it pre-
sents to the philosopher, and as he believes in the
most clear and distinct manner, all that mind knows
or can express of self-existence, of individuality — of I.
A wooden idol, representing something like to but
different from man, presents to the mind of the pagan
all that it can conceive, or with its means express,
of superhuman divine existence. Is not this a mere
defect in the alphabet used ? Is not the real inward
sentiment in the mind of man, with regard to the
KINGS OF NORWAY. 73
Divinity, the same, precisely the same, whatever be JJIsert
the mode of expressing it ? But the pagan, the idola- — _
ter, the ignorant even of the Catholic church, worship
these stocks and stones; and instead of regarding
them as signs only shadowing forth what, in its
intellectual state, the human mind cannot otherwise
express of its religious sentiments, take the signs for
the things they represent, and worship them as such.
So do we, in all our pride of knowledge and intel-
lectual development. We too worship our signs —
our words. Let any man set himself to the task of
examining the state of his knowledge on the most
important subjects, divine or human, and he will find
himself a mere word- worshipper ; he will find words
without ideas or meaning in his mind venerated, made
idols of — idols difi'erent from those carved in wood
or stone only by being stamped with printers' ink on
white paper. This is perhaps the just view which the
philosopher and the humble Christian should take, of
all the natural forms of religion which have ever,
existed beyond the pale of the religion revealed to us
in the Scriptures.
This necessity of man's expressing in his unculti-
vated mental condition, by the material visible means
of idols, the innate sentiment of religion which he
has no other language for, will, if it do not reconcile,
render very unimportant the various speculations of
antiquaries relative to Odin. Some find that Odin was
a real personage, who, on the fall of Mithridates, mi-
grated mth his nation from the borders of the Tanais,
to escape the Roman yoke, about seventy years before
our era. This is the opinion of Snorro Sturleson ; and,
as far as regards the Asiatic origin of the Northmen, it
is confirmed by all the traditions, mythological or his-
torical, of the scalds. Torfaeus, reckoning from scaldic
genealogies, finds that there must have been an older
Odin ; and if we are to admit that the god called Odin
74 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSERT ^^^ ^ ^^^^ historical personage, it is impossible to fix,
from the traditionary genealogies of those who claimed
to be his descendants, at what period he lived. There
are no fixed points in the history of the North before
the middle of the 9th century, when, about 853 or
854, the birth of Harald Haarfager, who lived to 931,
is determined from contemporary history. The scaldic
genealogies make this king the twenty- eighth in de-
scent from Odin. If we allow eleven years to each
reign, which is the average length of the reigns in
the Heptarchy, we must place Odin 550 years after
the Christian era. If we take Sir Isaac Newton's
computation of eighteen years as the average length
of reigns, we bring Odin to the year 368 of our era.
If we take lives instead of reigns, we must believe
twenty-seven successive persons to have lived so long
as to average thirty-five years each, in order to place
this god called Odin seventy years before our era.
When we turn to the Anglo-Saxon genealogies, we
find it still more difficult to place Odin. King Alfred
was born 849, or about four years before Harald
Haarfager, and is only twenty-three generations from
the Odin or Wodin of Hengist and Horsa. Off*a, king
of Mercia, who lived about 793, is only fifteen gene-
rations ; Ida, king of Northumberland, who lived
about 547, only nine generations ; and Ella, king of
Northumberland, who lived about 559, is eleven ge-
nerations from Odin or Wodin. The reasonable view
is that of Pinkerton, which has more recently been
developed by Grimm and other German Avriters on
Scandinavian mythology, — that Odin, Wodin, Godin,
were names of the Supreme Divine Power among the
Germanic race ; and that Thor, Fryggia, &c. were
merely impersonations of divine attributes ; that
none of these were ever human heroes, deified by
their contemporaries or descendants. It may, indeed,
be reasonably doubted whether, in any age or country,
KINGS OF NORWAY. 75
any such deification of mortals known to be human ^{^|^}J{;
beings — any such hero-worship as classical schoolmen — _
and antiquaries suppose, ever did take place among
any portion of the human race ; for it is contrary to
the natural tendency and movement of the human
mind. It is a trite observation, that no people have
ever been discovered by the traveller in so rude and
barbarous a state as to be without any sentiment of a
Divinity ; and that this universal sentiment is more
distinctive of the species man even than his reasoning
powers, — for in these the elephant, the dog, the beaver,
the bee, partake, and almost vie with human beings
in the lowest condition of humanity. The writers
who make the most of this trite observation in sup-
port of natural religion overlook a powerful argument
for the truth of revealed religion, in a sentiment
equally innate, and as widely diffused among men in
a natural state. No people have ever been discovered
by the traveller or the antiquary without a strong
and distinct impression of the incarnation, past, pre-
sent, or to come, as well as the existence, of the Di-
vinity. Our divines turn away from this argument
in support of revealed religion. They assume that, in
the dark ages of every nation, individuals have taken
to themselves the attributes and honours of divinity —
have imposed themselves upon their contemporaries
as gods, or have been taken by their contemporaries
or their posterity for gods ; and in this schoolboy
way great divines, historians, and philosophers think
of, tell of, and account for, idolatry and paganism
among rude uncivilised nations. But they do not
apply to the subject two universally and permanently
ruling principles of the human mind in every stage
of development : first, that there is no deceiving a
man's own consciousness ; and, second, that if a man
cannot deceive himself, he cannot deceive others.
Alexander the Great, or Odin, or the Roman em-
76 CHRONICLE OF THE
diIsVrt P^^^^s, or the Roman pontiffs, may have placed them-
— selves at the head of the priesthood or church, and
may have allowed their flatterers to place their sta-
tues among those of the gods, and to append the title
of Divus or Saint to their names ; but in all this
church trickery these men no more believed them-
selves gods, than their people believed them to be of
divine nature. The human mind, in a state of sanity,
never was discovered in so low a condition of the rea-
soning power as to approach to any such conclusions.
As to a rude and ignorant people elevating their
deceased leaders, kings, heroes, to a place among
their deities, it is the last thing a rude and ignorant
people would think of; for in a rude and ignorant
state the natural movement of the human mind is to
detract from, not to elevate, the merits of others ;
and the valued endowments of body or mind in such
a state — strength, beauty, valour, or even wisdom in
the narrow range of their public or private affairs —
are more generally diffused than the intellectual at-
tainments valued by men in a civilised state, and are
neither so high nor so rare as to be deified, instead of
being subjects of envy and detraction, or of emulation.
In no state, barbarous or civilised, are men disposed
to yield superiority, and allow divine honours and
attributes to mortals who, as natural self-love or va-
nity will whisper to every one, are not much superior,
— not divinely superior, to themselves. The natural
movement and tendency of the human mind are equally
opposed in every stage of development, in every state
of society, to any such hero-worship. Divines over-
look the weight of this argument for revealed religion
drawn from natural religion — that it is not from man
upwards, but from the Divinity downwards, that this
universal sentiment of an incarnation proceeds ; that
the existence of a Supreme Being is not a sentiment
more innate in the human mind, than that of the in-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 77
Chap. II.
carnation of the Supreme Being at some period, past, JIs^e^J^i;
present, or future ; that it is not Jupiter, Mars, or
Odin who were men or heroes set up by their fellow-
men as gods to be worshipped, but that it is the
innate and universal sentiment of the human mind
which has set them up. What the mind cannot grasp
in one conception, or express in one expression, it ne-
cessarily divides ; and thus groups of divine attributes
have been impersonated as distinct deities, individual-
ised, named, incarnated, by an irresistible instinct to
find an incarnation of Divine Power ; and these distinct
individualisations produced in a rude state of the
human mind by the poverty of language, have been
made historical personages of. But, looking at the na-
tural movement of the human mind it may be reason-
ably doubted whether any historical personage, who
really lived as a mortal man, was ever made a god of
by his fellow-men. The Christian philosopher, who
considers the expected Messiah of the Jews, the in-
carnation of Jupiter, of Odin, and the living incar-
nation of a Lama among a great proportion of the
present population of Asia, will not hesitate to place
the accomplished advent of our Saviour upon the same
innate sentiment of the human mind as the existence
itself of Supreme Divine Power. Both are universal
innate sentiments of the mind of man. The divines
and Christian philosophers who are not content with
resting the existence of a Supreme Divine Power
upon the innate sentiment of the human mind, upon
the same ground as the proof of our self-existence
rests, but who seek to prove the existence of a Su-
preme Divine Power from the design, contrivance,
and wisdom manifested in the material objects around
us, — Paley, and the Bridgewater Bequest writers, who
undertook, for a prize of two or three hundred pounds
given by an English lord, to prove to all and sundry
of God's creatures the existence of a God from the
Chap. II.
78 CHRONICLE OF THE
5?Ji^l^- mechanism of the hand, the eye, the movements of
DISSERT. %l I
the planetary bodies, and other natural objects with-
out us, and not from that which is within us, — who
seek to prove the spiritual from the material, and not
from the spirituality existing and innate in every
man's mind, — are not so immeasurably distant from
gross paganism as they suppose. They and the
pagan, — the Odin- worshipper, or Jupiter-worshipper,
or whatever he may be, — proceed upon the very same
material grounds, and the pagan appears the closer
and stricter reasoner of the two. An ignorant and
barbarous people may be wrong in the grounds from
which they reason, but are seldom wrong in the rea-
soning process itself. Their conclusions are usually
very correct, only drawn from false premises. They
mark the thunder-bolt, and conclude there is a Su-
preme Divine Cause — a thunder-maker. They mark
the ocean, — now calm and smiling, now shaking the
earth with its fury, — and conclude there must be an
ocean god. This is precisely the reasoning of the
Paley and of the Bridgewater Bequest philosophy.
The manifest design, contrivance, adaptation of means
to an end in a watch, prove the existence of a watch-
maker — of the hand, of a hand-maker — of the eye,
of an eye-maker — of the world, of a world-maker.
But from these material- world grounds these mate-
rial philosophers cannot deduce, in strict reasoning,
the unity of the Supreme Divine Power ; still less the
moral perfections of the Supreme Divine Power. The
pagan proceeds upon exactly the same grounds in his
religious belief ; but reasons much more correctly and
logically from the same material grounds, when he
concludes there is a separate Divine Power for each
separate class of material objects — a god of thunder,
a Neptune, and so on ; and concludes, from the ma-
terial-world grounds, that the superiority of the intel-
ligence that made it, above his which perceives it, is
KINGS OF NORWAY.
79
Chap. II.
in degree and power, not in kind ; and his material- ^fssERr:
Avorld grounds give him no reason, in his strict rea-
soning process, to conclude that the divine intelli-
gence, or intelligences, which he deduces from them,
are exempt from the passions or frailties of the intel-
ligences he is acquainted with. He attributes, there-
fore, to his gods, the passions and motives of men ;
and the Christian philosophers, who reason from the
same grounds to prove the existence of the Deity, do
not reason half so correctly as the pagan ; for these
grounds will carry human reason no farther than the
pagan goes, — and there Paley, prize-essay divinity,
and paganism stick together neck and neck. The
material- world grounds prove the existence only of
creative power. The goodness, mercy, omniscience,
all the attributes of God, are in the innate sentiment
of the human mind of an existence of Supreme Divine
Power ; and upon this innate sentiment or spiri-
tuality the material- world argument has to fall back,
to rescue itself from mere paganism. The distinctive
characteristics of paganism and Christianity are, that
the former rests entirely on material- world grounds
— and from these grounds reasons strictly and cor-
rectly, its conclusions being correctly dra^vn, but
from imperfect premises ; the latter rests on the spi-
ritual evidence of the innate sentiment of a Divine
Existence, of which every human mind is as conscious
as of its OAvn existence — and on Kevelation. Paley,
the Bridgewater Bequest philosophers, and all that
school of Christian reasoners, have, in fact, done in-
finite mischief to religion, by throwing out of view
the innate sense, the spirituality of the human mind,
on which pure religion is founded ; and by resting its
evidences on material external objects, from which the
deist, the polytheist, the Odin-worshipper, if such now
existed, might draw conclusions in their own favour
more strictly logical than this kind of Christian rea-
Chap. II.
80 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, soner can ; for divine power, and no other of the
DISSERT. .^ ^
attributes of the Deity, can be deduced from the ma-
terial world without a reference to the intellectual,
to the human mind, and to the inspired writings.
These philosophers have lowered the tone of rehgion
by their evidences drawn from the material world ;
and their evidences do not, in strict reasoning, prove
their conclusions.
Of the doctrine, institutions, and forms of the re-
ligion of Odin, we have but few memorials. There
are two Eddas. The older Edda is that which was
composed or compiled by Saemund, and of it only
three fragments are extant. The one is called the
" Yoluspa," or the Prophecy of Yola. In the Scotch
words " spse-mfe," and in the English word " spy," we
retain words derived from the same root, and with
the same meaning, as the word " spa" of the Yoluspa.
The second fragment is called " Havamal," or the High
Discourse ; the third is the Magic, or Song of Odin.
The Yoluspa gives an account by the prophetess of
the actions and operations of the gods ; a description
of chaos ; of the formation of the world ; of giants,
men, dwarfs ; of a final conflagration and dissolution
of all things ; and of the future happiness of the good,
and punishment of the wicked. The Havamal is a
collection of moral and economical precepts. The
Song of Odin is a collection of stanzas in celebration
of his magic powers. The younger Edda, composed
120 years after the older, by Snorro Sturleson, is a
commentary upon the Yoluspa; illustrating it in a
dialogue between Gylfe, the supposed contemporary
of Odin, under the assumed name of Ganglr, and
three divinities, — Har (the High), Jafnhar (equal to
the High), and Thriddi (the Third), — at Asgard
(the abode of the gods, or the original Asiatic seat of
Odin), to which Gylfe had gone to ascertain the cause
of the superiority of the Asiatics. Both the Eddas
KINGS OF NORWAY. 81
DISSERT.
Chap. II.
appear to have been composed as hand-books to assist J'^^^y^^f,-,
in understanding the names of the gods, and the allu-
sions to them in the poetry of the scalds ; not to
illustrate the doctrine of the religion of Odin. The
absurd and the rational are consequently mingled.
Many sublime conceptions, and many apparently bor-
rowed by Sa3mund and Snorro from Christianity, — as
for instance the Trinity mth which Gangler converses,
— are mixed with fictions almost as puerile as those of
the classical mythology. The genius of Snorro Stur-
leson shines even in these fables. In the grave hu-
mour with which the most extravagantly gigantic
feats of Thor at Utgaard are related and explained.
Swift himself is not more happy ; and one would
almost believe that Swift had the adventures of Thor
and the giant Utgaard Loke before him when he
wrote of Brobdignac. The practical forms or modes
of worship in the religion of Odin are not to be dis-
covered from the Eddas, nor from the sagas which
the two Eddas were intended to illustrate. It is pro-
bable that much has been altered to suit the ideas of
the age in which they were committed to writing, and
of the scribes who compiled them. Christianity in
Scandinavia seems, in the 11th century, to have con-
sisted merely in the ceremony of baptism, without any
instruction in its doctrines. The wholesale conversion
of whole districts by Olaf Tryggvesson, and King Olaf
the Saint, was evidently the mere ceremony of baptism.
On the eve of the battle of Stiklestad the mere accej)t-
ance and performance of that ceremony, without any
instruction, was considered by Saint Olaf himself a suf-
ficient Christianising of the pagan robbers, whose assist-
ance he refused unless they would consent to be Chris-
tians. From the high importance attached to the mere
ceremony without reference to its meaning, it is not
improbable that the Christian transcribers, or relators
of the historical sagas, may have thought it decent to
VOL. I. G
82
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. II.
make the ancestors of the kings or great personages
they are treating of, although they had lived in pagan
times, partake of the important Christian ceremony
which of itself had, in the rude conception of the
early Christian converts, a saving power ; for we find
on the birth of every child who is to become a king,
and leave descendants, that " water was poured over
the child, and a name given him ; '' that he was bap-
tized, in short, although living in the Odin religion.
Harald Haarfager is stated in his saga " to have had
water poured over him, and a name given him," and
his son Hakon also, who succeeded him ; but we hear
nothing of any such baptism of Eric Blodoxe, or of
any other of his sons, nor of any whose descendants
did not succeed to power as kings. It may reasonably
be doubted if any such ceremony was used in the
Odin religion on the birth of a child ; because these
pagans certainly exposed their children — a practice
not consistent with dedicating them by a ceremony
analogous to baptism to the service of their gods in
any way ; and if it had no meaning in their religion,
it could not be practised, unless in imitation of the
Christian ceremony. Marriage also appears not to
have been celebrated with any religious form. Poly-
gamy was as fully tolerated as in Asia. Harald
Haarfager had nine wives, with several concubines.
Saint Olaf had concubines besides his wife, and was
succeeded by a natural son ; for illegitimacy, where it
is not founded on any religious element in the mar-
riage tie, is not considered a natural or just disquali-
fication from inheritance. Marriage appears with the
Odin worshippers to have been altogether a civil tie,
subject, consequently, to the disruptions which civil
circumstances might produce or excuse.
The churches or temples of Odin appear to have
had no consecrated order of men like a priesthood set
apart for administering in religious rites. In the
Chap. 1 1.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 83
historical sao^as, in the accounts of the direct colli- ^PJ^^^f,
sions between Hakon Athelstan's foster-son, or Olaf
the Saint, with the worshippers of Odin, in the tem-
ples at MaBre, and in Gudbrandsdal, no mention is
made of the presence of any priests. Bonders of
eminence, great people, and even district kings, are
mutilated or put to death — suffer martyrdom in the
cause of Odinism ; but no word is there to be found
of any man in sacerdotal function. Three great re-
ligious festivals appear to have been held by the Odin
worshippers. One, in honour of Thor, was held in
midwinter, about the turn of the day; and from co-
inciding nearly with the Christmas of the Christian
church, the name of Yule, derived from Yiolner, one
of Odin's names, and the festivity and merry-making
of the pagan celebration, were amalgamated with the
Christian commemoration. The second, in honour of
Friggia, was held at the first quarter of the second
moon after the beginning of the year*; and the third,
in honour of Odin, in the beginning of spring. The
convenience of having snow to travel on, and the
leisure and facility of travelling while snow covered
the ground, have probably been the cause of all these
pagan festivals being crowded together in the winter
half-year, or between harvest and seed-time. They
were not solely nor principally religious festivals, but
assemblies of the people at which the regular Things
were held, business transacted, and fairs kept for bar-
tering, and buying, and merry-making. An here-
ditary priesthood descended from the twelve diars, or
drottars, or godars, who accompanied Odin from Asia,
and who originally were judges as well as priests in
the Things held at these great religious festivals, ex-
isted at the colonisation of Iceland, and down to the
time of Snorro Sturleson himself, who was one of
* The Northmen appear to have reckoned by winters, and the be-
ginning of the year or winter from the l6th of October.
G 2
Chap. II.
84 CHRONICLE OF THE
DissFRT t^os^ godars ; but the sacerdotal function had become
merged m the civil function of judge apparently long
before the introduction of Christianity. The judicial
functions and emoluments of judge descending by
hereditary rights in certain families, as appertaining
to their hereditary priesthood, could not be a popular
institution, especially with no sacerdotal function to
perform. True rehgion, as we see in Scotland and
England, can scarcely maintain itself when it mixes
up civil power or great wealth with the religious
element in its establishment ; and much less can a
false religion. We may gather from the silence of
the sagas on the point, that the godars had no sacer-
dotal or religious function in society ; and did not,
even in the earliest historical period, exist as priests,
but as hereditary local judges only, each in his own
godard or parish. At the Things at which Hakon
Athelstan's foster-son, Olaf Tryggvesson, and Olaf the
Saint, come in collision with the religion of Odin, and
threaten and even put to death peasants and chiefs who
adhere to Odinism, no priests or godars appear, or are
spoken of. Their civil power, jurisdiction, and dues or
emoluments, however, were derived from their here-
ditary succession to the priestly office in their respective
godards ; and it is not unreasonable to suppose that
they, their supporters, and the religion on which they
founded their rights, were not the popular side at the
introduction of Christianity. Some indications may
be perceived of its having been a political movement
to adopt Christianity. The supporters of the old re-
ligion appear to have been the small kings, the rich
bonders, and those who may reasonably be supposed
to have been themselves godars, or connected with
them. The support of Christianity, on the other
hand, appears to have come from the people and the
kings, and not from the kings alone. In Iceland,
where the godars, with their civil powers, were trans-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 85
DISSERT.
Chap. II.
planted from Norway by the first aristocratical settlers, Jf^m^^
and where Christianity had no royal supporters, the
Thing of the people declared Christianity the lawful
religion of the land. The institutions of Odinism, as
well as its doctrines, Avere evidently become extinct
as religion. The incompatible elements of civil power,
wealth, and sacerdotal function, had lost all reUgious
influence. The mixture is at this day as ineffective
in its power over the human mind as it was in the
11th century, and in the Christian religion as it was
in Odinism.
The only practices connected with religion men-
tioned in the sagas, at which a priesthood may have
officiated, are sacrifices, at the three great festivals,
of cattle, which were killed and feasted upon. The
door-post, floor, and people are stated to have been
sprinkled with the blood of the sacrifice by a brush ;
but even this may be a fiction of the saga-maker,
taken from the similar sprinkling of holy water by a
brush in the Romish church. The best established of
the religious practices of the Odin worshippers was
the partaking of horse-flesh at those festivals, as com-
memorative of their ancestors. This practice was
transplanted even to Iceland by the pagan settlers,
and it held its ground there long after Christianity was
adopted. As food, the horse never could have been
reared in Iceland ; and a religious or popular super-
stition only must have kept up such a custom there.
The eating of horse-flesh at those festivals appears to
have been held as decisive a test of paganism, as bap-
tism of Christianity ; and Avas punished by death in
the 11th century by Saint Olaf. Public business,
however, in the Things, and the ordinary business and
pleasures of great country fairs, appear to have occu-
pied the people at those festivals much more than any
rehgious observances. Public worship under any form,
or private or household devotion in the Odin religion,
G 3
86 CHRONICLE OF THE
g^gELm cannot be distinctly traced in the sagas. It is to be
— remembered however, that it might not have been
thought right or safe by the saga-relater or saga-scribe
to go far into an account of pagan observances, cus-
toms, or doctrines ; in case of being considered him-
self as a believer in them. This may have affected
considerably the fidelity of delivery of subjects, both
religious and political, in the sagas, when they were
still in a traditionary, not a written state. To some
cause of this kind we must ascribe the trifling amount
of information concerning the Odin worship to be
found in the sagas. Eeligion may have been very
little regarded, and a priesthood to support its observ-
ances and doctrines may have become a class con-
nected only with civil power and emolument in their
godards, and not thought of as belonging to religious
service ; but still a very strong religious spirit, among
some at least of the pagan population, may be inferred
from various details in the sagas. We read of many
individuals in the reigns of Hakon Athelstan's foster-
son, of Olaf Tryggvesson, and of Olaf the Saint, suf-
fering the loss of fortune, mutilation, torture, and
death, rather than give up their religion and submit
to baptism. The religion of Odin had its martyrs in
those days, and consequently must have had its doc-
trines, its devotions, its observances, its application to
the mind of man in some way, its something to suffer
for ; but the sagas leave us in the dark with regard
to the doctrines and observances of a religion for which
men were willing to suffer. The machinery of the
Odin mythology, the fables, allegories, meanings, and
no-meanings of the Myths, however interesting, give
us little or no information on the really important
points, — the amount, quality, and social influence of
the religion of the pagan Northmen immediately pre-
vious to their conversion to Christianity. The many
names of places derived from Thor, and other names
KINGS OF NORWAY. 87
DISSERT.
Chap. II.
given to the Supreme Being in their religion, which ^fgHJ^^J
are still to be recognised, not only in Scandinavia, but
in the north of Scotland, the Faroe Islands, Iceland,
show that the Northmen carried about with them some
knowledge of their religion. The many allusions in
the poems and songs of the scalds presuppose even a
very intimate knowledge, on the part of the hearers,
with a very complicated mythological nomenclature
and system. Every one, from the lowest to the highest,
must have been familiar with the names, functions,
attributes, histories ascribed to these gods, or the
scald would have been unintelligible. The great
development of the intellectual powers among the
Northmen, is indeed one of the most curious inferences
to be drawn from the sagas. The descriptions of re-
lative situations of countries, as East, West, North,
or South, show generalised ideas and habits of think-
ing among their seafaring men ; and the songs of the
scalds, as those of the four who accompanied Saint
01 af at the battle of Stikleslad, seem to have been
instantly seized and got by heart by the people, — the
Biarkemal to have been instantly recognised, and
thought applicable to their situation ; and all the
mythological, and to us obscure allusions, to have
been understood generally in the halls in which the
scalds recited or sung their compositions. Their reli-
gion must have been taught to them, although we find
few traces of the religious establishment or social ar-
rangements by which this was done.
The material remains of this religion of Odin are
surprisingly few. We find in the North very few
remains of temples ; — no statues, emblems, images,
symbols. Was it actually more spiritual than other
systems of paganism, and therefore less material in
its outward expression ? If we consider the vast
mounds raised in memory of the dead, and their high
appreciation of their great men of former ages, we can
G 4
88
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. II.
scarcely doubt but that the Northmen had higher
notions of a future state than that of drinking ale in
Valhalla.
The temples of Odin appear to have been but thinly
scattered. We hear but of the one at Msere, and one
at Lade, in the Drontheim district. A mound of earth
alone remains at Msere which was the principal temple
in the north of Norway : houses or halls, constructed
of wood, for receiving the people who came together
to eat, drink, and transact their business, have pro-
bably been all the structures. The temple at Upsal, or
Upsalr (the up-halls or great halls), should have left
some traces of former magnificence ; for it was the
residence of Odin himself, — the head-quarters, the
Rome of the Odin religion ; and in part, at least, was
constructed of stone. Adam of Bremen, who lived
about the time Christianity was first introduced into
Sweden, namely, about 1064, says, " Nobilissimum ilia
gens templum habet quod Upsala dicitur, non longe
positum a Sictona civitate vel Birka. In hoc templo,
quod totum ex auro paratum est, statua trium deorum
veneratur populus, ita ut potentissimus eorum Thor
in medio solum habeat triclinium, hinc et inde locum
possident Woden et Fricco." In this passage from a
contemporary Christian writer, who, as canon in the
cathedral of Bremen, — under the bishop of which all
the northern bishops stood at first, — must have had
the best opportunity of becoming acquainted with the
paganism of the North, Thor is stated to be seated
on the throne as the supreme deity, and Odin and
Friggia on each side as the minor deities in this pagan
trinity ; and the temple is stated to have been most
noble, and adorned with gold. This temple was con-
verted into a Christian church by Olaf the Swede
about 1026; and Severin, an Englishman, was the
first bishop. It was plundered of all its wealth, pagan
and ChristiaiJ, by King Stenkil, the son of King Ingve,
KINGS OF NORWAY. 89
about the year 1085; and set fire to, and the stone 55\?|'e^iJ[;
walls only left. Kinsr Swerker I. restored it about
, Chap. II.
1139, and had it consecrated, and dedicated to Saint
Laurence. This church appears to be the only build-
ing from which the extent at least, if not the magni-
ficence of the temples of the pagan religion of the
North, may be guessed at. It stands at Gamle Upsal
(Old Upsal), about two miles north of the present
town of Upsal, at the end of an extensive plain.
Around Gamle Upsal — now consisting of this church,
the minister's house, and two or three cottages —
there are, according to Professor Yerelius, in his notes
on the Herverar Saga, tumuli to the number of six
hundred and sixty-nine, besides many which have been
levelled for cultivation. Reckoning the chain of such
hillocks between the town of Upsal and Gamle Upsal,
that, or even a greater number of those tumuli, may
be conceded to the antiquary. Three of them, close
to Gamle Upsal, are called Kongs-hogarne (the king's
mounds); and one, oblong and flattened at the top, is
Tings-hogen (the Thing's mound). The circumference
of these mounds at the base is about three hundred
and fifty paces, and the ascent on any side takes about
seventy-five steps ; so that the perpendicular height
may be about ninety feet. It may also be conceded
to the antiquary that these mounds are works of art,
in so far that they have been reduced to regular shape
by the hands of man, and have been used as places of
interment, and still more as places for addressing a
multitude from — the steep slopes close to each other
admitting of great numbers sitting or standing within
sight and hearing of a person addressing them. But
whoever looks over this chain of sand-hills at the end
of a plain which has been a lake or mire at no distant
geological period, and with a mire or morass, now
called Myrby Trask on the other side of it, will doubt
whether these mounds be not originally of natural
90
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. II.
formation. He is struck at least with the conviction
that not only in other countries, but in Sweden itself
in particular, such formations of small ridges, and hil-
locks of gravel, sand, and rolled stones, upon a tongue
of land which has originally divided two lakes, are
of most frequent occurrence. Here, about Upsal,
man has availed himself of a chain of mounds formed
by nature ; and, as a natural feature of ground, they
account for the selection of Gamle Upsal in the earliest
ages for the seat of government. With a lake or
mire on each side, a narrow tongue of land dotted
with small eminences behind each other gave the
defenders a succession of strong posts to retire upon ;
and when missiles of very short range, and spear,
sword, or battle-axe, and fighting hand to hand, were
the only weapons and modes of fighting, the advantage
of the higher ground was the great object in tactics.
Gamle Upsal would be strong when the country was
covered with wood, and the flat ground was a flooded
morass. Of the old buildings, or town, no vestiges
remain. Of the temple some of the walls are sup-
posed to be included in the present church ; and the
old foundations have been traced by Kudbeck and
Peringskiold. Its extreme length has not exceeded
one hundred and twenty feet ; and the rough unhewn
small stones of such walls as may possibly have been
parts of the old structure do not tell of much archi-
tectural magnificence. The arches, whether of the
pagan structure, or of the re-edification in 1139, arc
the round Saxon arch ; and the whole is less than an
ordinary parish church in England. An exterior
line is said by antiquaries to have surrounded the
building, and to have been the golden ring, chain, or
serpent surrounding the temple of Odin in scaldic
poetry ; but this has had no foundation but in their
fancy. A wooden palisade may, no doubt, have sur-
rounded the temple, with the tops of it painted or
KINGS OF NORWAY. 91
gilded ; for the Northmen appear to have been pro- JJ^I^^f;;
fuse in gilding, from the descriptions of their war — _
vessels with gilded sides and prows ; and the scalds,
in their symbolical inflated language, may have called
this the serpent or dragon of Thor : but wood-work
leaves no trace to posterity, and of stone-work no
mark remains of any exterior circumvallation ; and it
must be confessed that no trace remains in this local-
ity of magnificence belonging to the paganism of the
North. The gold chains, bracelets, armlets, anklets —
too small for men, and of exquisite workmanship —
which have been found in the North, and are pre-
served in the museums of Copenhagen, Christiania,
and Stockholm, if they really belonged to northern
idols, and were not rather the hoarded plunder of
vikings gathered in more civiUsed or refined lands,
or of Yseringer returned from Constantinople, give a
much higher idea of the splendour of the pagan reli-
gion of Odin than any architectural remains in Scan-
dinavia. The sites of Sigtuna and of Birca — now
Old Sigtuna, mentioned by Adam of Bremen in the
above extract — are at the head of the Ma3lare lake,
and would well deserve the careful examination of
the antiquarian traveller. Walls are still standing
there which have at least the interest of being among
the oldest architectural fragments of the North.
The most permanent remains of the Odin religion
are to be found in the usages and language of the
descendants of the Odin worshippers. All the de-
scendants of the great Saxon race retain the names of
three days of the week — Wednesday, Thursday, and
Friday — from the Odin religion. Tuesday, perhaps,
or Diss~day, on which the ofi^erings to Fate were made,
and the courts of justice held, may belong also to the
number. Yule is a pagan festival kept in the pagan
way, Avith merriment and good cheer, all over the
Saxon world. Beltan is kept on Midsummer- day, all
92 CHRONICLE OF THE
Chap. II.
DISSERT. ^^^^ ^^^ north of Europe, by lighting iires on the
hills, and other festivities. It is but Avithin these
fifty years that trolls or sea-trows, and finmen and
dwarfs, disappeared in the northern parts of Scotland.
Mara (the nightmare) still rides the modern Saxon in
his sleep, and under the same name nearly as she
did the Yngling king Yanland ; and the evil one in
the Odin mythology, Nokke, keeps his ground, in the
speech and invocations of our common people, as Old
Nick, in spite of the Society for the Diffusion of Chris-
tian Knowledge. It is curious to observe how much
more enduring ideas are than things — the intellectual
than the material objects that mark the existence of
the human species. Stone -work, and gold, and statues,
and all material remains of this once general religion
of the North, have disappeared from the face of the
earth ; yet words and ideas belonging to it remain.
It is remarkable that in the religion of Odin, as in
that of Mahomet, women appear to have had no part
in the future life. We find no allusion to any Valhalla
for the female virtues. The Paradise of Mahomet
and the Valhalla of Odin are the same ; only the one
offers sensual and the other warlike enjoyments to the
happy. They both exclude females. This is not the
only coincidence. Odin appears to have stood in the
same relation to Thor in Odinism that Mahomet stands
in to the Supreme Being in Mahometanism. The
family of Mahomet, its semi-sacred character, and its
rights, as successors to the prophet, to the throne
and supremacy of temporal power over Mahometans,
and Avith equal rights of succession in equal degrees
of affinity to this sacred source, is in fact the Yngling
dynasty of Odinisin. If Mahomet had existed 400
years earlier, he would have been in modern history
one of the Odins, perhaps the Odin, and the person
or persons we call Odin would have merged in him.
The coincidence between Odinism and Mahometanism
KINGS OF NORWAY.
93
in the ideas of a future state, in the exclusion of
females from it, in the hereditary succession of a
family to sacred and temporal power and function,
show a coincidence in the ideas and elements of society
among the people among whom the two religions flou-
rished ; and this coincidence is perhaps sufficiently
strong to prove that the religion of Odin must have
sprung up originally in the East among the same
ideas and social elements as Mahometanism. The
rapid conquest by Christianity over Odinism, about
the beginning of the 11th century, proves that the
latter was not indigenous, but imported, and belonged
to difl*erent physical circumstances and a different
social state. The exclusion of females from a future
life, and their virtues from reward, was not suited to
the physical circumstances under which men live in
the North, although among a people living on horse-
back in the plains of Asia the female may hold no
higher social estimation than the horse. Christianity,
by including the female sex in its benefits, could not
but prevail in the North over Odinism.
The Odin worship was not the only form of pagan-
ism in the north of Europe. We find in chapter
143. of the " Saga of Saint Olaf," an account of an
expedition of Karl and Gunstein round the North
Cape to Biarmaland, or the coast of the White Sea ;
and after trading for skins at the mouth of the Dwina,
where Archangel now stands, of their proceeding,
when the fair was over, to plunder the temple and
idol of Jomala. They took a cup of silver coins that
rested on his knee, a gold ornament that was round
his neck, and treasure that was buried with the chiefs
interred there, and retired to their ships. If this
Jomala had been Tlior or Odin, these vikings would
not have plundered his temple, especially as one of
them, Thorer Hund, was a zealous Odin worshipper,
and a martyr at last to his faith. We find, on the
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. II.
94
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELTM.
DISSERT.
Chap. 1 1.
Baltic side of the country, that the Slavonic tribe who
inhabit Esthonia had a Jomala, according to Kohl's
" Reise in der Deutch-Russisch Ostsee Provinzen,"
1842 ; and the name of Jomsburg given to the fortress
of that singular association the Jomsburg Yikings
on the island of Wollin, off the coast of Esthonia,
seems to have had the same origin. The Joms-Yikings
were a military association of pirates inhabiting the
castle of Jomsburg, professing celibacy and obedience
to their chief, and very similar to the orders of knights
— as the Teutonic order, and that of Rhodes and the
Templars — which appeared in Europe a century or two
later ; but these pirate-knights do not appear to have
been in any way connected with the religion of Odin,
or of Jomala. The Laplanders and Einlanders appear
to have worshipped Jomala* also; and he appears to
have been altogether a Slavonic, not a Saxon god.
From the account of the expedition to Biarm aland,
the temple and idol of this worship must have been as
rich, and the attendance of guards or priests on the
temple much greater than in the Odin worship in
Norway in that age, viz. the beginning of the 11th
century.
* Jomala is still the name of the Deity — of God — among theLaplanders
and Finlanders, according to Geyer. — Swenske Folket's Hist. p. Q6.
KINGS OF NOKWAY. 95
DISSERT.
Chap. III.
CHAP. HI.
OF THE SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE NORTHMEN.
If the historical sagas tell us little concerning the Pf^ll'^y^
religion and religious establishments of the pagan
Northmen, they give us incidentally a great deal of
curious and valuable information about their social
condition and institutions ; and these are of great
interest, because they are the nearest sources to which
we can trace almost all that we call Anglo-Saxon in
our own social condition, institutions, national cha-
racter, and spirit. The following observations are
picked up from the sagas. The reader of Snorro
Sturleson's '' Heimskringla " has before him the facts,
or narratives, and can see himself whether the follow-
ing inferences from them are warranted, and the views
given of the singular state of society among the North-
men correctly drawn.
The lowest class in the community were the Thraell
( Thralls, slaves) . They were the prisoners captured by
the vikings at sea on piratical cruises, or carried off
from the coasts of foreign countries in marauding ex-
peditions. These captives were, if not ransomed by
their friends, bought and sold at regular slave markets.
The owners could kill them without any fine, mulct,
or manbod to the king, as in the case of the murder
or manslaughter of a free man. King Olaf Tryggves-
son, in his childhood, his mother Astrid, and his foster-
father Thorolf, were captured by an Esthonian viking,
as they were crossing the sea from Sweden on their
way to Novogorod, and were divided among the crew,
and sold. An Esthonian man called Klerkon got Olaf
96 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, and Thorolf as his share of the booty ; but Astrid was
separated from her son Olaf then only three years of
Chap III J J
age. Klerkon thought Thorolf too old for a slave,
and that no work would be got out of him to repay
his food, and therefore killed him; but sold the boy
to a man called Klaerk for a goat. A peasant called
Reas bought him from Klasrk for a good cloak ; and
he remained in slavery until he was accidentally re-
cognised by his uncle, who was in the service of the
Russian king, and was by him taken to the court of
Novogorod, where he grew up. His mother Astrid,
apparently long afterwards, was recognised by a Nor-
wegian merchant called Lodin at a slave market to
which she had been brought for sale. Lodin offered
to purchase her, and carry her home to Norway, if
she would accept of him in marriage, which she joy-
fully agreed to; Lodin being a man of good birth, who
sometimes went on expeditions as a merchant, and
sometimes on viking cruises. On her return to Nor-
way her friends approved of the match as suitable ;
and when her son, King Olaf Tryggvesson, came to
the throne, Lodin and his sons by Astrid were in high
favour. This account of the capturing, selling, and
buying slaves, and killing one worn out, is related, as
it would be at present in the streets of Washington,
as an ordinary matter. Slavery among the Anglo-
Saxons at this period, namely, in the last half of the
10th century, appears to have become rather an ad-
scriptio glehce — the man sold or transferred with the
land — than a distinct saleable property in the person
of the slave ; at least we hear of no slave markets in
England at which slaves were bought and sold. In
Norway this class appears to have been better treated
than on the south side of the Baltic, and to have had
some rights. Lodin had to ask his slave Astrid to
accept of him in marriage. We find them also in the
first half of the 1 1th century, at least under some
KINGS OF NOKWAY. 97
masters, considered capable of acquiring and holding Jfs^^jJJ,
property of their own. When Asbiorn came from — -
Halogaland in the north of Norway to purchase a
cargo of meal and malt, of which articles King Olaf
the Saint, fearing a scarcity, had prohibited the ex-
portation from the south of Norway, he went to his
relation Erling Skialgsson, a peasant or hondi^ who
was married to a sister of the late King Olaf Tryg-
gvesson, and was a man of great power. Erling told
Asbiorn that in consequence of the law he could
not supply him, but that his thralls or slaves could
probably sell him as much as he required for loading
his vessel; adding the remarkable observation, that
they, the slaves, are not bound by the law and coun-
try regulation like other men, — evidently from the
notion that they were not parties, like other men, to
the making the law in the Thing. It is told of this
Erling, who was one of the most considerable men in
the country and brother-in-law of King Olaf Tryg-
gvesson, although of the bonder or peasant class, that
he had always 90 free-born men in his house, and
200 or more when Earl Hakon, then regent of the
country, came into the neighbourhood; that he had
a ship of 32 banks of oars; and when he went on
a viking cruise, or in a levy with the king, had 200
men at least mth him. He had always on his farm
thirty slaves, besides other workpeople ; and he gave
them a certain task as a day's work to do, and gave
them leave to work for themselves in the twilight, or
in the night. He also gave them land to sow, and
gave them the benefit of their own crops ; and he put
upon them a certain value, so that they could redeem
themselves from slavery, which some could do the
first or second year, and " all who had any luck could
do it in the third year." With this money Erling
bought new slaves, and he settled those who had thus
obtained their freedom on his newly cleared land, and
VOL. I. H
Chap. III.
98 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, found employment for them in useful trades, or in the
DISSERT. . ^ *^ . . .
herring fishery, for which he furnished them Avith
nets and salt. The same course of management is
ascribed in the Saga of Saint Olaf to his stepfather,
Sigurd Syr, who is celebrated for his prudence, and
wisdom, and skill in husbandry ; and it has probably
been general among the slaveholders. The slaves
who had thus obtained their freedom would belong to
what appears to have been a distinct class from the
peasants or bonders on the one hand, or the slaves on
the other — the class of unfree men.
This class — the unfree — appears to have con-
sisted of those who, not being udal-born to any land
in the country, so as to be connected with, and have
an interest in, the succession to any family estate,
were not free of the Things ; were not entitled to ap-
pear and deliberate in those assembles ; were not
Thingsmen. This class of unfree is frequently men-
tioned in general levies for repelling invasion, when
all men, free and unfree, are summoned to appear in
arms ; and the term unfree evidently refers to men
who had personal freedom, and were not thralls, as
the latter could only be collected to a levy by their
masters. This class would include all the cottars on
the land paying a rent in work upon the farm to the
peasant, who was udal-born proprietor; and, under
the name of housemen, this class of labourers in hus-
bandry still exists on every farm in Norway. It
would include also, the house-carls, or freeborn in-
door men, of whom Erling, we see, always kept ninety
about him. They were, in fact, his body-guard and
garrison, the equivalent to the troop maintained by
the feudal baron of Germany in his castle ; and they
followed the bondi or peasant in his summer excur-
sions of piracy, or on the levy when called out by the
king. They appear to have been free to serve whom
they pleased. We find many of the class of bonders
KINGS OF NORWAY.
99
who kept a suite of eighty or ninety men ; as Erling, J{|fER^;
Harek of Thioto, and others. Swein, of the little ^ — :,_
. .1 Chap, 111.
isle of Gairsay in Orkney, kept, we are told in the
Orkneyinga Saga, eighty men all winter ; and as we
see the owner of this farm, which could not produce
bread for one fourth of that number, trusting for
many years to his success in piracy for subsisting his
retainers, we must conclude that they formed a nu-
merous class of the community. This class would
also include workpeople, labourers, fishermen, trades-
men, and others about towns and farms, or rural
townships, who, although personally free and free-
born, not slaves, were unfree in respect of the rights
possessed by the class of bonders, landowners, or pea-
sants, in the Things. They had the protection and
civil rights imparted by laws, but not the right to a
voice in the enactment of the laws, or regulation of
public affairs in the Things of the country. They
were, in their rights, in the condition of the German
population at the present day.
The class above the unfree in civil rights, the free
peasant-proprietors, or bonder class, were the most
important and influential in the community. We
have no word in English, or in any other modern
language, exactly equivalent to the word hondi^ be-
cause the class itself never existed among us. Pea-
sant does not express it ; because we associate with
the word peasant the idea of inferior social impor-
tance to the feudal nobility, gentry, and landed pro-
prietors of a country, and this bonder class was itself
the highest class in the country. Yeoman, or, in Cum-
berland, statesman, expresses their condition only
relatively to the portions of land owned by them ; not
their social position as the highest class of landowners.
If the Americans had a word to express the class of
small landholders in their old settled states who live
on their little properties, have the highest social in-
H 2
100 CHRONICLE OF THE
CUAP. III.
D?ssERT fl^^^ce in the country, and are its highest class, and,
although without family aggrandisement by primo-
geniture succession, retain family distinction and
descent, and even family pride, but divide their pro-
perties on the udal principle among their children, it
would express more justly what the bonder class
were than the words landholder, yeoman, statesman,
peasant-proprietor, or peasant. In the following
translation of the Heimskringla, where the word pea-
sant is used for the word hondi^^ the reader will
have to carry in mind that these peasants were, in
fact, an hereditary aristocracy, comprehending the
great mass of the population, holding their little es-
tates by a far more independent tenure than the
feudal nobility of other countries, and having their
land strictly entailed on their own families and kin,
and with much family pride, and much regard for
and record of their family descent and alliances, be-
cause each little estate was entailed on each peasant's
whole family and kin. Udal right was, and is to this
day in Norway, a species of entail, in realty, in the
family that is udal-born to it. The udal land could
not be alienated by sale, gift to the church, esheat to
a superior, forfeiture, or by any other casualty, from
the kindred who were udal-born to it ; and they had,
however distantly connected, an eventual right of
succession vested in them superior to any right a
stranger in blood could acquire. The udal-born to a
piece of land could evict any other possessor, and,
* Bondi (in the plural baender) does not suit the English ear, and
there is no reasoning with the ear in matters of language. Bonder,
although it be plural, is therefore used singularly ; and bonders, although
it be a double plural, to express more than one of the bondi. The word
itself, bondi or buandir, seems derived from bu, a country dwelling ; and
signifying also the stock, wealth, affairs, and all that belongs to hus-
bandry. The word bu is still retained in Orkney and Shetland, to express
the principal farm and farm-house of a small township or property, the
residence of the proprietor; and is used in Denmark and Norway to ex-
press stock, or farm stock and substance.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 101
DISSERT.
Chap, III.
until a very late period, even mtliout any repayment ^f^J^J^^-
of what the new possessor having no udal right
may have paid for it, or laid out upon it ; and at the
present day a right of redemption within a certain
number of years, is competent to those udal-born to
an estate which has been sold out of a family. The
right to the crown of Norway itself was udal-born
right in a certain family or race, traced from Odin
down to Harald Haarfager through the Yngling
dynasty, as a matter of religious faith ; but from Harald
Haarfager as a fixed legal and historical point. All
who were of his blood were udal-born to the Norwe-
gian crown, and with equal rights of succession in
equal degrees of propinquity. The eldest son had no
exclusive right, either by law or in public opinion, to
the whole succession, and the kingdom was more than
once divided equally among all the sons. This prin-
ciple of equal succession appears to have been so rooted
in the social arrangement and public mind, that not-
withstanding all the evils it produced in the succession
to the crown by internal warfare between brothers, it
seems never to have been shaken as a principle of
right ; and the kings who had laboured the most to
unite the whole country into one sovereignty, as
Harald Haarfager, were the first to divide it again
among their sons. One cause of this may have been
the impossibility, among all classes, from the king to
the peasant, of providing otherwise for the younger
branches of a family than by giving them a portion
of the land itself, or of the products of the land paid
instead of money taxes to the crown. Legitimacy of
birth was held of little account, owing probably to
marriage not being among the Odin- worshippers a
religious as well as a civil act ; for we find all the
children, illegitimate as well as legitimate, esteemed
equal in udal-born right even to the throne itself; and
although high descent on the mother's side also ap-
11 3
102 CHEONICLE OF THE
ofssERT P^^^^ ^^ have been esteemed, it was no obstacle even
to the succession to the crown that the mother, as in
the case of Magnus the Good, had been a slave. This
was the consequence of polygamy, in which, as in the
East, the kings indulged. Harald Haarfager had nine
wives at once, and many concubines ; and every king,
even King Olaf the Saint, had concubines as well
as wives ; and we find polygamy indulged in down to
about 1130, when Sigurd the Crusader's marriage
with Cecilia, at the time his queen was alive and not
divorced, was opposed by the Bishop of Bergen, who
would not celebrate it ; but nevertheless the priest
of Stavanger performed the ceremony, on the king's
duly paying the church for the indulgence. Polygamy
appears not to have been confined to kings and great
men ; for we find in the old Icelandic law book, called
the " Grey Goose," that, in determining the mutual
rights of succession of persons born in either country,
Norway or Iceland, in the other country, it is pro-
vided that children born in Norway in bigamy should
have equal right as legitimate children, — which also
proves that in Iceland civilisation was advanced so
much farther than in Norway that bigamy was not
lawful there, and its ofi'spring not held legitimate.
Each little estate was the kingdom in miniature,
sometimes divided among children, and again reunited
by succession of single successors by udal-born right
vesting it in one. These landowners, with their entailed
estates, old families, and extensive kin or clanship,
might be called the nobility of the country, but that,
from their great numbers and small properties, the
tendency of the equal succession to land being to pre-
vent the concentration of it into great estates, they
were the peasantry. In social influence they had no
class, like the aristocracy of feudal countries, above
them. All the legislation, and the administration of
law also, was in their hands. They alone conferred
the croAvn at their Things. No man, however clear
KINGS OF NORWAY. 103
and undisputed his right of succession, ventured to J^s^^\J^;
assume the kingly title, dignity, and power, but by — -
the vote and concurrence of a Thing. He was pro-
posed by a bonder ; his right explained ; and he was
received by the Thing before he could levy subsist-
ence, or men and aid, or exert any act of kingly power
within the jurisdiction of the Thing. After being
received and proclaimed at the Ore Thing held at
Drontheim as the general or sole king of Norway,
the upper king, — which that Thing alone had the
right to do, — he had still to present himself to each of
the other district Things, of which there were four,
to entitle him to exercise royal authority, or enjoy
the rights of royalty within their districts. The
bonders of the district, who had voice and influence
in those Things by family connection and personal
merit, were the first men in the country. Their social
importance is illustrated by the remarkable fact, that
established kings — as, for instance. King Olaf Tryg-
gvesson — married their sisters and daughters to power-
ful bonders, while others of their sisters and daughters
were married to the kings of Sweden and Denmark.
Erling the bonder refused the title of Earl when he
married Astrid, the king's sister. Lodin married the
widow of a king, and the mother of King Olaf Tryg-
gvesson. There was no idea of disparagement, or in-
feriority, in such alliances ; which shows how impor-
tant and influential this class was in the community.
It is here, in these assemblies or Things of the
Northmen, the immediate predecessors of the Norman
conquerors, and their ancestors also, — by which, how-
ever rudely, legislation and all parliamentary prin-
ciples were exercised, — that we must look for the origin
of our parliaments, and the spirit and character of
our people ; on which, and not on the mere forms, our
constitution is founded. The Wittenagemoth of the
Anglo-Saxon Heptarchic kings were not, like the
H 4
104 CHRONICLE OF THE
Chap. III.
J^Jl^l^L"^; Thiners of the Northmen, existing: and influential as-
DISSERT. o / ^ o ^
semblies of the people meeting suojure at stated times,
enacting and administering laws, and so interwoven
with the whole social and political idiosyncracy of the
people, that the state could have no movement or ex-
istence but through such assemblies. The Wittenage-
moth, as the name implies, appears to have been merely
a council of the wise and important men of the coun-
try, selected by the king to meet, consult, and advise
with him, — which is as different from a Thing as a
cabinet council from a parliament. The Northmen
who invaded and colonised the kingdom of Northum-
berland, had entirely expelled other occupants in the
9th century. The Anglo-Saxons had fled before the
pagan and barbarous invaders who seized and settled
on the lands, and, from the proximity to Norway and
Denmark, received a rapid accession to their numbers
by the influx of new settlers, as well as by their own
increase of population. Normandy was only con-
quered by the Northmen, but Northumberland was
colonised. Their religion, language, and laws were
established. They had their own, and not the Anglo-
Saxon laws : a proof that they were a population not
Anglo-Saxon in their social institutions. This appears
from the laws of Edward the Elder, of Alfred himself,
and from the treaties of these kings with Guthrun,
the leader or chief of the Northmen who then occu-
pied Northumberland. The kingdom of Northum-
berland, comprehending the present counties of York,
Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmore-
land, and parts of Lancashire ; East Anglia also, com-
prehending the Isle of Ely, Cambridgeshire, Norfolk,
and Sufiblk; and the country of the former East
Saxons, comprehending Essex, Middlesex, and part of
Hertfordshire, and also parts of the northern and
southern extremities of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of
Mercia, — were so entirely occupied by Danes, or people
KINGS OF NORWAY. 105
Chap. Ill
of Danish descent, that they were under Danish, not fj'f|.y,J.5-.
AnHo- Saxon law. From the first invasions of the
Danes in 787, or from the end of the 8th century to
the time of the Norman conquest in 1066, or nearly
300 years, the laws and usages of the Northmen had
prevailed over this large portion of the island. This
kingdom of Northumberland would, at the present
day, be more populous and wealthy than either of the
kingdoms of Sweden, Denmark, Hanover, Holland,
Belgium, Saxony, or Wirtemburg, and had no doubt
a proportional importance in those times. The North-
men, immediately previous to the Norman conquest,
had conquered the whole of England, and held it
from 1003 to 1041, for four successive reigns ; viz. of
Swein, Canute the Great, Harald Harefoot, and Har-
dicanute. In the laws of Edward the Confessor,
as given by Lambart in 1568, and republished by
Wheloch at the end of his edition of Bede, 1644,
it is stated that for sixty-eight years previous to the
Norman conquest, these Anglo-Saxon laws, originally
framed by Edgar, had been out of use ; and when
William the Conqueror, in the fourth year of his reign,
renewed these laws of Edward the Confessor, he was
more inclined to retain the laws of the Northmen then
in general use. If we strike oiF Wales, CoruAvall, the
western borders towards Scotland, and all compre-
hended in the kingdom of Northumberland, East An-
glia, and other parts peopled by Northmen and their
descendants, it is difficult to believe that the old Anglo-
Saxon branch could have been predominant in the
island, in numbers, power, and social influence ; or
could have prevailed to such an extent over the cha-
racter and spirit of the population as to bury all social
movement under the apathy and superstition in which
they appear to have been sunk. The rebellions against
William the Conqueror and his successors appear to
have been almost ahvays raised, or mainly supported,
Chap. III.
106 CHKONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, in the counties of recent Danish descent, not in those
peopled by the old Anglo-Saxon race. The spirit and
character of men having rights in society were un-
doubtedly renewed, and kept alive in England, by this
great infusion into the population of people who had
these rights, and the spirit and character produced by
them, in their native land. A new and more vigorous
branch was planted in the country than the old Anglo-
Saxon. In historical research it is surely more rea-
sonable to go to the nearest source of the institutions,
laws, and spirit of a people — to the recent and great
infusion into England from the north, during the 9th,
10th, and 11th centuries, of men bred up in a rude but
vigorous exercise of their rights in legislation, and
in all the acts of their government — than to the^most
remote, and to trace in the obscure hints] of Tacitus
of popular and free institutions existing a thousand
years before in the forests of Germany, the origin of
our parliaments, constitution, and national character.
The German people, the true unmixed descendants of
the old Saxon race whom Tacitus describes, never,
from the earliest date in modern history to the present
day, had a single hour of religious, civil, and political
liberty, as nations, or as individuals, — never enjoyed
the rights which the American citizen or the British
subject, however imperfectly, enjoy in the freedom
of person, property, and mind, at the present day, in
their social condition. If the great stock itself of the
Anglo-Saxon race has not transmitted to its immediate
posterity in its own land the institutions of a free
people, nor the spirit, character, independence of mind,
on which alone they can be founded with stability, it
appears absurd to trace to that stock our free institu-
tions, and the principles in our character and spirit
by which they are maintained, when we find a source
so much nearer from which they would naturally flow.
Our civil, religious, and political rights, — the principles.
KINGS OF NORWAY. ' 107
DISSKllT.
Chap. III.
spirit, and forms of legislation through which they j^'j^l};}^^^;
work in our social union, are the legitimate offspring
of the Things of the Northmen, not of the Wittenage-
moth of the Anglo-Saxons — of the independent Norse
viking, not of the abject Saxon monk.
It would be a curious inquiry for the political phi-
losopher to examine the causes which produced, in
the 10th century, such a difference in the social con-
dition of the Northmen, and of the cognate Anglo-
Saxon branch in England and Germany. Physical
causes connected with the nature of the country and
climate, as well as the conventional causes of udal right,
and the exclusion of inheritance by primogeniture,
prevented the accumulation of land into large estates,
and the rise of a feudal nobility like that of Germany.
The following physical causes appear not only to have
operated directly in preventing the growth of the
feudal system in the country of the Northmen, but to
have produced some of the conventional causes also
which concurred to prevent it.
The Scandinavian peninsula consists of a vast table
of mountain land, too elevated in general for cultiva-
tion, or even for the pasturage of large herds or flocks
together in any one locality ; and although sloping
gently towards the Baltic or the Sound on the Swedish
side, and there susceptible of the same inhabitation
and husbandry as other countries, in as far as clime
and soil will allow, on the other side, — the proper
country of the Northmen, — throwing out toAvards the
sea all round huge prongs of rocky and lofty ridges,
either totally bare of soil, or covered with pine forests,
growing apparently out of the very rock, and with no
useful soil beneath them. The valleys and deep glens
between these ridges, which shoot up into lofty pin-
nacles, precipices, and mountains, are filled at the lower
end by the ocean, forming fiords, as these inlets of the
sea are called, which run far up into the land, in some
Chap. III.
108 CHRONICLE OF THE
,^?J!fl^- cases a hundred miles or more ; yet so narrow that the
stones, it is said, rolnng down from the mountain slope
on one side of such a fiord, are often projected from
the steep overhanging precipice, in which the slope
half-way down ends, across to the opposite shore.
These fiords in general, however, are fine expanses
or inland lakes of the ocean, — calm, deep, pure blue;
and shut in on every side by black precipices and
green forests, and with fair wooded islets sleeping on
the bosom of the water. These fiords are the pecu-
liar and characteristic feature of Norwegian scenery.
Kivers of great volume of water, but generally of
short and rapid course, pour into the fiords from the
Fielde, or high table-land behind, which forms the
body or mass of the country. It is on the flat spots
of arable land on the borders of these fiords, rivers,
and the lakes into which the rivers expand, that the
population lives. In some of these river- valleys and
sea- valleys, a single farm of a few acres of land is only
found here and there in many miles of country, the
bare rock dipping at once into the blue deep water,
and leaving no margin for cultivation. In others,
narrow slips of inhabitable arable land extend some
way, but are hemmed in behind, on the land side, by
the rocky ridges which form the valley ; and they are
seldom broad enough to admit of two rows of little
farms, or even of two large fields, in the breadth be-
tween the hill-foot and the water ; and in the length
are often interrupted by some bare prong of rock
jutting from the side-ridge into the slip of arable level
land, and dividing it from such another slip. All
the land capable of cultivation, either with spade or
plough, has been cultivated from the most remote
times ; and there is Httle room for improvement, be-
cause it is the ground-rock destitute of soil, not merely
trees or loose rocks encumbering the soil, that opposes
human industry. The httle estates, not averaging
KINGS OF NORWAY. 109
DISSERT.
Chap. III.
perhaps fifty acres each of arable land, are densely ^^f^}^^
inhabited; because the seasons for preparing the
ground, sowing, and reaping, are so brief, that all
husbandry work must be performed in the shortest
possible time, and consequently at the expense of
supporting, all the year, a great many hands on the
farm to perform it ; and the fishing in the fiord, river,
or lake, the summer pasturage for cattle in the distant
fielde-glens attached to each little estate in the in-
habited country, and a httle wood-cutting in the
forest, afford subsistence to many more people than
the little farm itself would require for its cultivation
in a better clime, or could support from its own pro-
duce. The extent of every little property has been
settled for ages, and Avant of soil and space prevents
any alteration in the extent, and keeps it within the
unchangeable boundaries of rock and water. It is
highly interesting to look at these original little family
estates of the men who, in the 9th and 10th centuries,
played so important a part in the finest countries of
Europe, — who were the origin of the men and events
we see at this day, and whose descendants are now
seated on the thrones and in the palaces of Europe,
and in the West are making a new world of social
arrangements for themselves. The sites, and even
the names, of the little estates or gaards on which
these men were born, remain unchanged, in many
instances, to this day ; and the posterity of the original
proprietors of the 9th century may reasonably be sup-
posed, in a country in which the land is entailed by
udal right upon the family, to be at this day the
possessors — engaged, however, now in cutting wood
for the French or Newcastle market, instead of in
conquering Normandy and Northumberland.
Some of our great English nobility and gentry
leave their own splendid seats, parks, and estates in
England, to enjoy shooting and fishing in Norway for
110 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSKKT,
Chap. III.
PRELIM, a few weeks. They are little aware that they are
perhaps passing by the very estates which their own
ancestors once ploughed, — sleeping on the same spot
of this earth on which their forefathers, a thousand
years ago, slept, and were at home ; men, too, as proud
then of their high birth, of their descent, through
some seven-and-twenty generations, from Odin, or his
followers the Godar, as their posterity are now of
having " come in with or before the Conqueror." The
common traveller visiting this land destitute of archi-
tectural remains of former magnificence, without the
temples and classical ruins of Italy, or the cathedrals
and giant castles of Germany, will yet feel here that
the memorials of former generations may be materially
insignificant, yet morally grand. These little farms
and houses, as they stand at this day, were the homes
of men whose rude, but just and firm sense of their
civil and political rights in society, is, in the present
times, radiating from the spark of it they kindled in
England, and working out in every country the eman-
cipation of mankind from the thraldom of the insti-
tutions which grew up under the Roman empire, and
still cover Italy and Germany, along with the decaying
ruins of the splendour, taste, magnificence, power,
and oppression of their rulers. Europe holds no me-
morials of ancient historical events which have been
attended by such great results in our times, as some
rude excavations in the shore-banks of the island of
Yigr*, in More, — which are pointed out by the finger
of tradition as the dry docks in which the vessels of
Eolf Ganger, from whom the fifth in descent was our
William the Conqueror, were drawn up in winter, and
from whence he launched them, and set out from
Norway on the expedition in which he conquered
Normandy. The philosopher might seat himself be-
* Vigroe, the isle of Vigr, is situated in Haram parish, in the baili-
wick of Soud Mor. — StroJim's Biskryvelse over More, and Kraft's Norge.
KINGS OF NORWAY. Ill
Chap. III.
side the historian amidst the ruins of the Capitol, and p?ELpf-
with Rome, and all the monuments of Roman power
and magnificence under his eye, might venture to ask
whether they, magnificent and imposing as they are,
suggest ideas of greater social interest, — are connected
with grander moral results on the condition, well-
being, and civilisation of the human race in every
land, than these rude excavations in the isle of Vigr,
which once held Rolf Ganger's vessels.
It is evident that such a country in such a climate
never could have afforded a rent, either in money or
in natural products, for the use of the land, to a class
of feudal nobility possessing it in great estates, al-
though it may afford a subsistence to a class of small
working landowners, like the bonders, giving their
o^vn labour to the cultivation, and helping out their
agricultural means of living with the earnings of their
labour in other occupations — in piracy and pillage
on the coasts of other countries in the 9th century,
and in the 19th with the cod fishery, the herring
fishery, the wood trade, and other peaceful occu-
pations of industry. On account of these physical
circumstances — of a soil and climate which afford no
surplus produce from land, after subsisting the need-
ful labourers, to go as rent to a landlord — no powerful
body of feudal nobility could grow up in Norway, as
in other countries in the middle ages ; and from the
same causes, now in modern times, during the 400
years previous to 1814 in which Denmark had held
Norway, all the encouragement that could be given
by the Danish government to raising a class of nobility
in Norway was unavailing. Slavery even could not
exist in any country in which the labour of the slave
would barely produce the subsistence of the slave, and
would leave no surplus gain from his labour for a
master ; still less could a nobility, or body of great
landowners drawing rent, subsist where land can barely
Chap. III.
112 CHRONICLE OF THE
DESSERT pi*oduce subsistence for the labour which, in conse-
quence of the shortness of the seasons, is required in
very large quantity, in proportion to the area, for its
cultivation. We find, accordingly, that when the
viking trade, the occupation of piracy and pillage,
was extinguished by the influence of Christianity, the
progress of civilisation, the rise of the Hanseatic
League and of its establishments, which in Norway
itself both repressed piracy and gave beneficial occu-
pation in the fisheries to the surplus population for-
merly occupied in piracy and warfare, that class of
people fell back upon husbandry and ordinary occu-
pations which had formerly been engaged all summer
and autumn in marauding expeditions ; and the class
of slaves, the thralls, was necessarily superseded in
their utility by people living at home all the year.
The last piratical expeditions were about the end of
the 12th century, and in the following century
thraldom, or slavery, was, it is understood, abolished
by law by Magnus the Law Improver. The labour
of the slave was no longer needed at home, and would
not pay the cost of his subsistence.
Physical circumstances also, and not conventional
or accidental circumstances, evidently moulded the
other social arrangements of the Northmen into a
shape different from the feudal. The Things or as-
semblies of the people, which kings had to respect
and refer to, may be deduced much more reasonably
from natural causes similar to those which prevented
the rise of a feudal class of nobles in Norway, than
from political institutions or principles of social ar-
rangement carried down from the ancient Germans in
a natural state of liberty in remote ages. The same
causes will produce the same effects in all ages. It is
refining too much in political antiquarianism to refer
all liberal social arrangements — our Enghsh parlia-
ments, our constitutional checks upon the executive
Chap. III.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 113
power in the state, our popular representation, and preum.
the spirit of our laws — to the Wittenagemoths of
the Saxons, and to trace these again up to princi-
ples of freedom in social arrangement derived from
the Germanic tribes in the days of Tacitus. But it is
not refining too much to conclude that, in every age
and country, there are but two ways in which the
governing class of a community can issue their laws,
commands, or will, to the governed. One is through
writing, and by the arts of writing and reading being
so generally dilFused that in every locality one indi-
vidual at least, the civil functionary or the parish
priest, is able to communicate the law, command, or
will of the governing, to that small group of the go-
verned over which he is placed. The other way, and
the only way where, from the nature of the soil and
climate, the governed are widely scattered, and writ-
ing and reading are rarely attained, and such civil or
clerical arrangement not efficient, was to convene
Things or general assemblies of the people, at which
the law, command, or will of the governing could be
made kno\vn to the governed. There could be no
other way, in poor thinly-inhabited countries espe-
cially, by which the governing, however despotic,
could get their law, command, or will done ; for these
must be made knoAvn to be executed or obeyed, whe-
ther they were for a levy of men or of money, for war
or for peace, for rewarding and honouring, or for pu-
nishing and disgracing — the law, command, or will
must be promulgated. Nor is it refining too much
to conclude, that wheresoever men are assembled to-
gether in numbers for public business, be it merely
to hear the law, command, or will of a despotic ruler,
the spirit of deliberating upon, considering, and judg-
ing of the decree given out, and of the public interests
involved in it, is there in the midst of them. The
democratic element of society is there, — the spirit
VOL. I. I
114 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSERT
Chap. Ill
disIert ^^ j^^gi^g i^ tlieir own affairs is there, and is let
loose ; for such an assembly is in effect a parliament,
in which public opinion will make itself heard ; and
coming from the only mihtary force of those ages,
the mass of the people, and, in the North, of a people
without military subordination to a feudal aristocracy
in civil affairs, must predominate over the will of the
king supported only by his court retinue. The concur-
rence of a few great nobles could not here give effect
to the royal command, law, or will ; because the few,
the intermediate link of a powerful aristocracy, which
to this day chains the Anglo-Saxon race on the Con-
tinent, was from physical causes — the poverty of the
soil — totally wanting among the Northmen, and the
kings had to deal direct with the people in great ge-
neral assemblies or Things. The necessity of holding
such general meetings or Things for announcing to
the people the levies of men, ships, and provisions re-
quired of them, and for all public business, and the
check given by the Things to all measures not ap-
proved of by the public judgment, appear in every
page of the Heimskringla, and constitute its great
value, in fact, to us, as a record of the state of social
arrangement among our ancestors. The necessity of
assembling the people was so well established, that we
find no public act whatsoever undertaken without the
deliberation of a Thing ; and the principle was so en-
grafted in the spirit of the people, that even the attack
of an enemy, the course to be taken in dangerous cir-
cumstances, to retreat or advance, were laid before a
Thing of all the people in the fleet or army ; and they
often referred it to the king's own judgment, that is,
the king took authority from the Thing to act in the
emergency on his own plan and judgment. A re-
ference to the people in all that concerned them was
interwoven with the daily life of the Northmen, in
peace and in war. We read of House Things, of
Chap. III.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 115
Court Thinf^^s, of District Thinecs for administerino: preltm.
. O 7 t) C) DISSERT.
law, of Things for consultation of all engaged in an
expedition ; and in all matters, and on all occasions, in
which men were embarked with common interests, a
reference to themselves, a universal spirit of self-go-
vernment in society, was established. King Swerrer,
who reigned from 1177 to 1208, after the period when
Snorro Sturleson's work ends, although taking his
own way in his military enterprises, appears in a saga
of his reign never to have omitted calling a Thing,
and bringing it round by his speeches, which are often
very characteristic, to his own opinion and plans.
So essential were Things considered wheresoever
men were acting with a common stake and interest,
that in war expeditions the call to a Thing on the
Avar-horn or trumpet appears to have been a settled
signal-call known to all men, — like the call to
arms, or the call to attack ; and each kind of Thing,
whether it was a general Thing that was sum-
moned, or a House Thing of the king's counsellors,
or a Herd Thing of the court, or of the leaders of the
troops, appears to have had its distinct peculiar call
on the war-horn known to all men. In the ordinary
affairs of the country, the Things were assembled in
a simple and effective way. A hod., called a bud-
stikke in Norway, where it is still used, was a stick
of wood like a constable's baton, with a spike at the
end of it, which was passed from house to house, as a
signal for the people to assemble. In each house it
was well known to which neighbouring house it had
to be passed, and the penalties for detaining the bod
were very heavy. In modern times, the place, house,
and occasion of meeting, are stated on a slip of paper
inclosed in the bottom of the budstick ; but in former
times the Thing-place, and the time allowed for re-
pairing there, were knoAvn, and whether to go armed
or unarmed was the only matter requiring to be indi-
I 2
Chap. III.
116 CHRONICLE OF THE
ms^ERT c^^^^- ^^ arrow split into four parts was the known
token for appearing in arms. If the people of a
house to which the token was carried were from home,
and the door locked, the bearer had to stick it on the
door by the spike inserted in one end for this pur-
pose ; if the door was open, but the people not at
home, the bearer had " to stick it in the house-father's
great chair at the fireside ; " and this was to be held
a legal delivery of the token, exonerating the last
bearer from the penalties for detaining it. The peace
token, a simple stick with a spike ; the war token, an
arrow split into quarters, and sent out in different
directions ; a token in shape of an axe, to denote the
presence of the king at the Thing ; and one in shape
of the cross, to denote that church matters were to be
considered, — are understood to have been used before
writing and reading were diffused. On one occasion,
we read of Earl Hakon issuing the usual token for
the bonders to meet him at a Thing; and it was ex-
changed, in its course, for the war token, and the
bonders appeared in arms, and overpowered the Earl
and his attendants.
The Things appear not to have been representative,
but primary assemblies, of all the bonders of the dis-
trict udal-born to land. In Sweden there appears to
have been one general Thing held at Upsal, at the time
when the festivals or sacrifices to Thor, Odin, and
Friggia were celebrated. From the proceedings of
one of the Things held at Upsal in February or March,
1018, related in the Saga of Saint Olaf, we may have
some idea of the power of those assemblies. King
Olaf of Sweden, who had a great dislike to Olaf King
of Norway, was forced by this Thing to conclude a
peace with, and give his daughter in marriage to. King
Olaf of Norway, in order to put an end to hostilities
between the two countries ; and they threatened, by
their lagman, to depose him for misgovernment, if
KINGS OF NORWAY. 117
he refused the treaty and alliance which King Olaf Jfg^^^^-
of Norway proposed by his ambassador Hialte the
Scald. The lagman appears to have been the deposi-
tary and expounder of the laws passed by the Things,
and to have been either appointed by the people as
their president at the Things, or to have held his
office by hereditary succession from the godar, and
to have been priest and judge, exercising both the
religious and judicial function. At this general
Thing at Upsal the lagman of the district of Upland
was entitled to preside ; and his influence and power
in this national assembly appear to have been much
greater than the king's. It is a picturesque circum-
stance, mentioned in the Saga of Saint Olaf about this
Thing at Upsal in 1018, that when Thrognyr the
lagman rose after the ambassador from Norway had
delivered his errand, and the Swedish king had replied
to it, all the bonders, who had been sitting on the
grass before, rose up, and crowded together to hear
what their lagman Thrognyr was going to say ; and
the old lagman, whose white and silky beard is stated
to have been so long that it reached his knees when
he was seated, allowed the clanking of their arms and
the din of their feet to subside before he began his
speech. The Things appear to have been always
held in the open air, and the people were seated ; and
the speakers, even the kings, rose up to address them.
In the characters of great men given in the sagas we
always find eloquence, ready agreeable speaking, a
good voice, a quick apprehension, a ready delivery, and
winning manners, reckoned the highest qualities of a
popular king or eminent chief. His talent as a public
speaker is never omitted. In Sweden this one general
Thing appears to have been for the whole country ;
and besides the religious or civil business, a kind of
fair for exchanging commodities arose from the con-
course of people to it from all parts of the country.
I 3
118 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM. In Norway, — owing no doubt to the much greater
difference in the means of subsistence in the different
quarters of the country, in some of which fishing-
grounds out at sea, and even rocks abounding in sea-
fowl eggs at the season, were subjects of property; in
others pasturages in distant mountain glens, and in
others arable lands only, are of importance, — four dis-
tinct Things appear in the oldest times to have been
necessary for framing laws suitable to the different
circumstances of their respective jurisdictions ; and,
within their jurisdictions, the smaller district Things
appear to have determined law cases between parties
according to the laws settled at the great Things ;
and as the mulcts or money penalties paid for all
crimes went partly to the king, and were an important
branch of the royal revenue, the kings, on their pro-
gresses through the land, Avith the lagman of each
district, appear to have held these Things for adminis-
tering justice and collecting their revenue. The king's
bailiff, or the tacksman or donatory of the revenue of
the district, appears to have held these Law Things in
the king's absence. The great Things appear to have
been legislative, and the small district Things within
their circle of jurisdiction administrative. Of the
great Things there were in old times four in different
quarters of Norway. The Froste Thing was held in
the Drontheim country, at a farm called Lagten, in
the present bailiwick of Frosten ; Gule Thing, at
Evindwick, in the shiprath of Gule, on the west coast
of Norway ; Eidsivia Thing, at Eidsvold, in Upper
Kaumerige, for the inland or upland districts of Nor-
way ; and Borgar Thing, at the old burgh called
Sarpsborg, on the river Glommen, near the great
waterfall called Sarpsfors. One or two other Law
Things appear to have been added in later times : one
in Halogaland for the people living far north, and one
on the coast between the jurisdiction or circle of the
Chap. III.
Kl^GS OF NOEWAY. 119
Sarpsborg Thing and that of the Gule Thing. A ^^^g^jj^
special Thing, called the Ore Thing, from being held
on the Ore, Aar, or isthmus* of the river Nid, on
which the city of Drontheim stands, was considered
the only Thing which could confer the sovereignty of
the whole of Norway, the other Things having no
right to powers beyond their own circles. It was
only convened for this special purpose of examining
and proclaiming the right to the whole kingdom ;
and it appears to have been only the kingship de jure
that the Ore Thing considered and confirmed: the
king had still to repair to each Law Thing and small
Thing, to obtain their acknowledgment of his right,
and the power of a sovereign within their jurisdictions.
The scatt or land-tax, — the right of guest-quarters or
subsistence on royal progresses, — the levy of men,
ships, provisions, arms, for defence at home, or war ex-
peditions abroad, had to be adjudged to the kings by
the Things ; and amidst the perpetual contests between
udal-born claimants, the principle of referring to the
Things for the right and power of a sovereign, and
for the title of king, was never set aside. No class
but the bonders appeared at Things Avith any power.
The kings themselves appear to have been but Thing-
men at a Thing.
Two circumstances, which may be called accidental,
concurred with the physical circumstances of the
country, soil, and clime, to prevent the rise of a feudal
nobility in Norway at the period, the 9th century,
when feudality was establishing itself over the rest
of Europe. One was the colonisation of Iceland by
that class which in other countries became feudal
lords ; the other was the conquests in England and
in France, by leaders who drew off all of the same
* The narrow slip of land between two waters, as at a river mouth
or outlet of a lake, between it and the sea, is still called an Are or Ayre
in the north of Scotland, and is the same as the Icelandic Ore.
I 4
CUAF. III.
120 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, class of more warlike habits than the settlers in Ice-
DISSERT.
land, and opened a more promising field for their
ambition abroad in those expeditions, than in strug-
gling at home against the supremacy of Harald
Haarfager. In his successful attempt to reduce all
the small kings, or district kings, under his authority,
he was necessarily thrown upon the people for sup-
port, and their influence would be naturally increased
by the suppression through their aid of the small in-
dependent kings. This struggle was renewed at inter-
vals until the introduction of Christianity by King
Olaf the Saint ; and the two parties appear to have
supported the two different religions : the small kings
and their party adhering to the old religion of Odin,
under which the small kings, as godars, united the
offices of judge and priest, and levied certain dues,
and presided at the sacrificial meetings as judges as
well as priests ; and the other party, which included
the mass of the people, supported Christianity, and
the supremacy of King Olaf, because it relieved them
from the exactions of the local kings, and from inter-
nal war and pillage. The influence of the people, and
of their Things, gained by the removal to other coun-
tries of that class which at home would have grown
probably into a feudal aristocracy. In Iceland an
aristocratic republic was at first established, and in
Normandy and Northumberland all that was aristo-
cratic in Norway found an outlet for its activity.
A physical circumstance also almost peculiar to
Norway, and apparently very little connected with
the social state of a people, was of great influence, in
concurrence with those two accidental circumstances,
in preventing the rise of an aristocracy. The stone
of the Peninsula in general, and of Norway in par-
ticular, is gneiss, or other hard primary rock, which is
worked with difficulty, and breaks up in rough shape-
less lumps, or in thin schistose plates ; and walls
KINGS OF NORWAY. 121
cannot be constructed of such buildino; materials prelim.
*--' DISSERT.
without great labour, time, and command of cement.
Limestone is not found in abundance in Norway, and
is rare in situations in which it can be made and
easily transported ; and even clay, which is used as a
bedding or cement in some countries for rough lumps
of stone in thick walls, is scarce in Norway. Wood
has of necessity, in all times and with all classes, been
the only building material. This circumstance has
been of great influence in the middle ages on the
social condition of the Northmen. Castles of nobles or
kings, commanding the country round, and secure
from sudden assault by the strength of the building,
could not be constructed, and never existed in Norway.
The huge fragments and ruins of baronial castles and
strongholds, so characteristic of the state of society in
the middle ages in the feudal countries of Europe, and
so ornamental in the landscape now, are wanting in
Norway. The noble had nothing to fall back upon
but his war- ship, the king nothing but the support of
the people. In the reign of our King Stephen, when
England Avas covered with the fortified castles of the
nobility, to the number, it is somewhere stated, of
1500, and was laid waste by their exactions and pri-
vate wars, the sons of Harald Gille — the kings Sigurd,
Inge, and Eystein — were referring their claims and
disputes to the decision of Things of the people. In
Normandy and England the Northmen and their de-
scendants felt the want in their mother- country of
secure fortresses for their power ; and the first and
natural object of the alien landholders was to build
castles, and lodge themselves in safety by stone walls
against sudden assaults, and above all against the
firebrand of the midnight assailant. In the mother-
country, to be surprised and burned by night within
the wooden structures in which even kings had to
reside, was a fate so common, that some of the kings
122 CHRONICLE OF THE
mslERT ^PP^a^^d to have lived on board ships principally, or
on islands on the coast.
This physical circumstance of wanting the building
material of which the feudal castles of other countries
were constructed, and by which structures the feudal
system itself was mainly supported, had its social as
well as political influences on the people. The different
classes were not separated from each other, in society,
by the important distinction of a difference in the
magnitude or splendour of their dwellings. The pea-
sant at the corner of the forest could, mth his time,
material, and labour of his family at command, lodge
himself as magnificently as the king, — and did so.
The mansions of kings and great chiefs were no better
than the ordinary dwellings of the bonders. Lade,
near Drontheim, — the seat of kings before the city
of Drontheim, or Nidaros, was founded by King Olaf
Tryggvesson, and which was the mansion of Earl
Hakon the Great, and of many distinguished men who
were earls of Lade, — was, and is, a wooden structure
of the ordinary dimensions of the houses of the opulent
bonders in the district. Egge — the seat of Kalf Arne-
son, who led the bonder army against King Olaf which
defeated and slew him at the battle of Stikkleslad,
and who was a man of great note and social impor-
tance in his day — is, and always has been, such a
farm-house of logs as may be seen on every ordinary
farm estate of the same size. The foundation of a
few loose stones, on which the lower tier of logs
is laid to raise it from the earth, remains always
the same, although all the superstructure of wood
may have been often renewed; but these show the
extent on the ground of the old houses. The equality
of all ranks in those circumstances of lodging, food,
clothing, fuel, furniture, which form great social dis-
tinctions among people of other countries, must have
nourished a feeling of independence of external cir-
Chap. III.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 123
cumstancGS, — a feeling, also, of their own worth, rights, prelim.
and importance, among the bonders, — and must have
raised their habits, character, and ideas to a nearer
level to those of the highest. The kings, having no
royal residences, were lodged, with their court attend-
ants on the royal progresses, habitually by the bonders,
and entertained by them. At the present day there
are no royal mansions, or residences of the great, in
Norway, different from the ordinary houses of the
bonders or peasant-proprietors. His Majesty Carl
Johan has to lodge in their houses in travelling
through his Norwegian dominions ; and no king in
Europe could travel through his kingdom, and be
lodged so well every night by the same class. In
ancient times the kings lived in guest-quarters, — that
is, by billet upon the peasant-proprietors in different
districts in regular turn ; and even this kind of inter-
course must have kept alive a high feeling of their
own importance in the bonder class, in the times when,
from the want of the machinery of a lettered func-
tionary class, civil or clerical, all public business had
to be transacted directly with them in their Things.
The rise and diffusion of letters, learning, and a
learned class, in the middle ages, retarded perhaps
rather than advanced just principles of government
and legislation. The people were more enslaved by
the power which the learning of the middle ages threw
into the hands of their rulers, than they were before
in the ages of ignorance of letters, when their rude
force was in direct contact, face to face, with the rude
power of their rulers. This prejudicial effect of the
revival of letters on civil, political, and religious
liberty, by doing away with all direct viva voce com-
munication in assemblies of the people between the
rulers and the ruled, may be traced even to the pre-
sent day in Germany and other countries. The people
have no influence in their own concerns, because a
124 CHRONICLE OF THE
Sfs^ERT lettered body of functionaries, spread over the whole
— Ill ^^^^^1 hody, and fixed in every locality, receives, and
disseminates to the small groups of the population
under their jurisdiction, the law, command, or will of
the autocratic government, without that reference to
the people which could not be avoided when all had
to be convened in a Thing or assembly to hear the
promulgation. The period in which the influence of
the governed should have been made eifective slipped
by on the Continent, among the Anglo-Saxon race,
without being used ; and probably would have slipped
by in England also, but for the recent admixture of
a wilder, more ignorant, and more free people, in a
great proportion of the island, who could not even be
oppressed without collecting them into Things, or
Folkmoths, to make known to them what they had to
submit to. The very ignorance of the half pagan
people of mixed or pure Danish descent who occupied
so large a portion of the island at the Norman conquest,
was the providential means of keeping alive that spirit
of self-government in public affairs among the people,
on which, and not on the mere forms of representative
government, our social economy rests. The forms
are useless without the life in the spirit of the people
to animate them. France, and some countries of
Germany, have got the moulds ; but the stuff to fill
them with is wanting in the people. We inherit this
stuff in the national character from the great inter-
mixture of the rude energetic Northmen, bred up in
Things and consultations with their leaders, which
took place during the Danish conquest immediately
previous to the invasion of William the Conqueror ;
and in the generation immediately after his conquest
this stuff began to show itself in fermentation, and
worked out our present social institutions, and the
spirit of our national character.
The lendermen, or tacksmen of the king's farms
Chap. III.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 125
and revenues, could scarcely be called a class. They pi^klim
were temporary functionaries, not hereditary nobles ;
and had no feudal rights or jurisdiction, but had to
plead in the Things like other bonders. As indivi-
duals they appear to have obtained power and influ-
ence, but not as a class ; and they never transmitted
it to their posterity.
The earls, or jarls, were still less than the lender-
men a body of nobility approaching to the feudal
barons of other lands. The title appears to have
been altogether personal ; not connected with property
in land, or any feudal rights or jurisdiction. The
Earls of Orkney — of the family of Rognvald Earl of
More, the friend of Harald Haarfager, and father of
Rolf Ganger — appear to have been the only family of
hereditary nobles under the Norwegian cro^vn exer-
cising a kind of feudal power. The Earls of More
appear to have been only functionaries or lendermen
collecting the king's taxes, and managing the royal
lands in the district, and retaining a part for their
remuneration. The Earls of Orkney, however, of the
first line, appear to have grown independent, and to
have paid only military service, and a nominal quit-
rent, and only when forced to do so. This line ap-
pears to have been broken in upon in 1129, when
Kala, the son of Koll, was made earl, under the name
of Earl Rognvald. His father Koll was married to
the sister of Earl Magnus the Saint ; but the direct
male descendants of the old line, the sons of Earl
Magnus's brothers, appear not to have been extinct.
In Norway, from the time of Earl Hakon of Lade,
who was regent or viceroy for the Danish kings when
they expelled the Norwegian descendants of Haar-
fager, there appears to have been a jealousy of con-
ferring the title of earl, as it probably implied some
of Earl Hakon's power in the opinion of the people.
Harald Haarfager had appointed sixteen earls, one
126 CHRONICLE OF THE
misERT ^^^ Qiich district, when he suppressed the small kings;
— - but they appear to have been merely collectors of
his rents.
The churchmen were not a numerous or powerful
class until after the first half of the 1 2th century. They
were at first strangers, and many of them English.
Nicolas Breakspear, the son, Matthew Paris tell us, of
a peasant employed about the Benedictine monastery
of Saint Albans in Hertfordshire, and educated by the
monks there, was the first priest who obtained any
political or social influence in Norway. He was sent
there, when cardinal, on a mission to settle the church ;
and afterwards, when elected pope, 1154, under the
title of Hadrian lY., he was friendly to the Norwegian
people. His influence when in Norway was benefi-
cially exerted in preventing the carrying of arms, or
engaging in private feuds, during certain periods of
truce proclaimed by the church. The body of priests
in the peninsula until the end of the 12th century
being small, and mostly foreigners from England,
both in Sweden and in Norway, shows the want of
education in Latin and in the use of letters among
the pagan Northmen ; and shows also the identity
or similarity of the language of a great portion at
least of England with that of the Scandinavian penin-
sula.
Several of the smaller institutions in society, which
were transplanted into England by the Northmen or
their successors, may perhaps be traced to the mode of
living which the physical circumstances of the mother-
country had produced. The kings having, in fact, no
safe resting place but on board of ship, being in per-
petual danger, during their progresses for subsistence
on shore, to be surprised and burnt in their quarters
by any trifling force, had no reluctance at all to such
expeditions against England, the Hebrides, or the
Orkney Islands, as they frequently undertook ; and
Chap. III.
'kings of NORWAY. 127
when on shore, and from necessity subsistino; in ffuest- prelim.
quarters in inland districts, we see the first rudiments
of the institution of a standing army, or body guard,
or body of hired men-at-arms. The kings, from the
earhest times, appear to have kept a herd, as it was
called, or court. The herdmen were paid men-at-
arms ; and it appears incidentally from several pas-
sages in the sagas that they regularly mounted guard,
— posted sentries round the king's quarters, — and had
patroles on horseback, night and day, at some dis-
tance, to bring notice of any hostile advance. We
find that Olaf Kyrre, or the Quiet, kept a body of
120 herdmen, 60 giesters, and 60 house-carls, for doing
such work as might be required. The standing armed
force, or body guard, appears to have consisted of two
classes of people. The herdmen were apparently of
the class udal-born to land, and consequently entitled
to sit in Things at home ; for they are called Thing-
men, which appears to have been a title of distinction.
The giester appears to have been a soldier of the
unfree class ; that is, not of those udal-born to land,
and free of, or qualified to sit in, the Things. They
appear to have been the common seamen, soldiers, and
followers ; for we do not find any mention of slaves
ever employed under arms in any way, or in any war
expeditions. The giesters appear to have been inferior
to the thingmen or herdmen, as we find them em-
ployed in inferior offices, such as executing criminals
or prisoners. The victories of Swein, and Canute the
Great, are ascribed to the superiority of the hired
bands of thingmen in their pay. The massacre of
the Danes in 1002, by Ethelred, appears to have been
of the regular bands of thingmen who were quartered
in the towns, and who were attacked while unarmed
and attending a church festival. The herdmen ap-
pear not only to have been disciplined and paid troops,
but to have been clothed uniformly. Eed was always
Chap. III.
128 CHRONICLE OF THE
^?.^.yj^: the national colour of the Northmen, and continues
still in Denmark and England the distinctive colour
of their military dress. It was so of the herdmen
and people of distinction in Norway, as appears from
several parts of the sagas, in the 11th century. Olaf
Kyrre, or the Quiet, appears to have introduced, in
this century, some court ceremonies or observances
not used before. For each guest at the royal table
he appointed a torch-bearer, to hold a candle. The
butler stood in front of the king's table to fill the
cups, which, we are told, before his time were of deer's
horn. The court-marshal had a table, opposite to the
king's, for entertaining guests of inferior dignity.
The drinking was either by measure, or without mea-
sure ; that is, in each horn or cup there was a per-
pendicular row of studs at equal distances, and each
guest when the cup or horn was passed to him drank
down to the stud or mark beloAV. At night, and on
particular occasions, the drinking was without mea^-
sure, each taking what he pleased ; and to be drunk
at night appears to have been common even for the
kings. Such cups with studs are still preserved in
museums, and in families of the bonders. The kings
appear to have wanted no external ceremonial belonging
to their dignity. They were addressed in forms, still
preserved in the northern languages, of peculiar respect ;
their personal attendants were of the highest people,
and were considered as holding places of great honour.
Earl Magnus the Saint was, in his youth, one of those
who carried in the dishes to the royal table ; and torch-
bearers, herdmen, and all who belonged to the court,
were in great consideration ; and it appears to have
been held of importance, and of great advantage, to
be enrolled among the king's herdmen.
We may assume from the above observations, de-
rived from the facts and circumstances stated in
various parts of the Heimskringla, that the intellectual
Chap. III.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 129
and political condition of this branch of the Saxon £fs|5^^jj[;
^race, while it was pagan, was not very inferior to,
although very different from, that of the Anglo-
iSaxon branch which had been Christianised five
hundred years before, and had among them the learn-
ing and organisation of the church of Rome. They
had a literature of their own ; a language common to
all, and in which that literature was composed; laws,
institutions, political arrangements, in which public
opinion was powerful; and had the elements of free-
dom and constitutional government. What may have
been the comparative diffusion of the useful arts in
the two branches in those ages? The test of the
civilisation of a people, next to their intellectual and
civil condition, is the state of the useful arts among
them.
VOL. T. K
130 CHRONICLE OF THE
CHAP. lY.
STATE OF THE USEFUL ARTS AMONG THE NORTHMEN.
SfssEKT ^^^ architectural remains of public buildings in a
country — of cliurcbes, monasteries, castles, — as they
Chap. IV. •^ • m i i t • o
are the most visible and lasting monuments, are oiten
taken as the only measure of the useful arts in former
times. Yet a class of builders, or stone-masons, wan-
dering from country to country, like our civil en-
gineers and rail-road contractors at the present day,
may have constructed these edifices ; and a people or
a nobility sunk in ignorance, superstition, and sloth,
may have paid for the construction, without any dif-
fusion of the useful arts, or of combined industry, in
the inert mass of population around. Gothic archi-
tecture in both its branches, Saxon and Norman, has
evidently sprung from a seafaring people. The nave
of the Gothic cathedral, with its round or pointed
arches, is the inside of a vessel with its timbers, and
merely raised upon posts, and reversed. No working
model for a Gothic fabric could be given that would
not be a ship turned upside clown, and raised on
pillars. The name of the main body of the Gothic
church — the nave, navis, or sliip of the building, as
it is called in all the northern languages of Gothic
root — shows that the wooden structure of the ship-
builder has given the idea and principles to the archi-
tect, who has only translated the wood work into
stone, and reversed it, and raised it to be the roof
instead of the bottom of a fabric. The Northmen,
however, can lay no claim to any attainment in archi-
tecture. The material and skill have been equally
Chap. IV.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 131
wantinsf amoTi<2: them. From the pae^an times nothins: i'kelim.
O O Lb to DISSERT.
in stone and hme exists of any importance or merit
as a building ; and the principal structure of an early
age connected with Christianity, the cathedral of
Drontheim, erected in the last half of the 12th cen-
tury, cannot certainly be considered equal to the great
ecclesiastical structures of Durham, York, or other
English cathedrals, scarcely even to that of the same
period erected in Orkney — the cathedral of Saint
Magnus. We have, however, a less equivocal test of
the progress and diffusion of the useful arts among
the Northmen than the church-building of their
Saxon contemporaries, for which they wanted the
material. When we read of bands of ferocious, igno-
rant, pagan barbarians, landing on the coasts of Eng-
land or France, let us apply a little consideration to
the accounts of them, and endeavour to recollect how
many of the useful arts must be in operation, and in
a very advanced state too, and very generally diffused
in a country, in order to fit out even a single vessel
to cross the high seas, much more numerous squad-
rons filled with bands of fighting men. Legs, arms,
and courage, the soldier and his sword, can do nothing
here. We can understand multitudes of ignorant,
ferocious barbarians, pressing in by land upon the
Roman empire, overwhelming countries like a cloud
of locusts, subsisting, as they march along, upon the
grain and cattle of the inhabitants they exterminate,
and settling, with their wives and children, in new
homes ; but the moment we come to the sea we come
to a check. Ferocity, ignorance, and courage, will
not bring men across the ocean. Food, water, fuel,
clothes, arms, as well as men, have to be provided,
collected, transported ; and be the ships ever so rude,
wood-work, iron-work, rope-work, cloth-work, cooper-
work, in short almost all the useful arts, must be in
full operation among a people, before even a hundred
K 2
leS2 CHRONICLE OF THE
SfslEilr. i^^i^ could be transported, in any way, from the shores
— • of Norway or Denmark to the coasts of England or
France. Fixed social arrangements too, combinations
of industry working for a common purpose, laws and
security of person and property, military organisation
and discipline, must have been established and under-
stood, in a way and to an extent not at all necessary
to be presupposed in the case of a tumultuous crowd
migrating by land to new settlements. Do the ar-
chitectural remains, or the history of the Anglo-
Saxon people, or of any other, in the 8th or 9th
century, and do'v^ni to the 13th, give us any rea-
sonable ground for supposing among them so wide a
diffusion of the arts of working in wood and iron, of
raising or procuring by commerce flax or hemp, of
the arts of making ropes, spinning, and weaving sail-
cloth, preserving provisions, coopering water casks,
and all the other combinations of the primary arts of
civilised life, implied in the building and fitting out
vessels to carry three or four hundred men across the
ocean, and to be their resting place, refuge, and home
for many weeks, months, and on some of their viking
cruises even for years? There is more of civilisation,
and of a diffusion of the useful arts on which civilis-
ation rests, implied in the social state of a people who
could do this, than can be justly inferred from a
people quarrying stones, and bringing them to the
hands of a master-builder to be put together in the
shape of a church or castle. Historians tell us that
when Charlemagne, in the 9th century, saw some
piratical vessels of the Northmen cruising at a dis-
tance in the Mediterranean, to which they had for the
first time found their way, that he turned away from
the mndow, and burst into tears. Was it the bar-
barism of these pirates, or their civilisation, their
comparative superiority in the art of navigation, and
of all belonging to it, that moved him ? None of the
KINGS OF NORWAY.
lo3
countries under his sway, none of the Christian po-
pulations of Europe in the 7th, 8th, or 9th centuries,
had ships and men capable of such a voyage. The
comparative state of ship-building and navigation,
in two countries with sea coasts, is a better test of
their comparative civilisation and advance in all the
useful arts than that of their church-building. Com-
pared to Italy, Sicily, or Bavaria, Great Britain or
Scandinavia, or the United States of America, would
be utterly barbarous and uncivilised, if structures of
stone were a measure of the civilisation and general
diffusion of the useful arts among a people. It is to
be observed, also, that the ships of the Northmen in
those ages did not belong to the king, or to the state,
but to private adventurers and peasants, and were
fitted out by them ; and were gathered by a levy or
impressment, from all the country, when required for
the king's service. The arts connected with the
building and fitting out such ships must have been
generally diffused. The fleets were not, like those of
King Alfred, created by, and belonging to, the king.
We need not have any great notion of the kind and
size of the vessels gathered by a levy from the pea-
santry ; but the worst and least of them must have
been sea-worthy, and of a size to navigate along the
coast from the most northerly district, such as Halo-
galand, to the Baltic, — a distance of twelve degrees of
latitude ; they must have been of a size to carry and
shelter men, with their provisions, clothes, and arms ;
and the arms of those days required great room for
stowage. Stones were an ammunition which it was
necessary to carry in every ship ; because on the rocky
steep coasts of Norway, or on the muddy shores of
the Baltic, pebbly beaches at which this kind of am-
munition could be replaced are not common. Swords,
spears, battle-axes, arrow-heads, bows, and bow-strings
had all to be kept dry, and out of the sea-spray; for
K 3
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. IV.
134 CHRONICLE OF TPIE
DISSERT
Chap. IV
PRELIM, rust and damp would make them useless as weapons.
These, consequently, had to be stowed under a deck,
or in chests. The shields alone could bear exposure
to wet, and they appear to have been hung outside
from the rails all round the vessel ; so that they would
occupy the place of quarter-cloths, or wash-boards,
above the gunwale of our shipping. The stowage of
their plunder also, which consisted of bulky articles,
as malt, meal, grain, cattle, wool, clothes, arms taken
in the forays on the coast, (and they had transport
vessels as well as war vessels with them on their ma-
rauding expeditions,) required vessels of a consider-
able size. We need not suppose that, of the 1200
vessels which King Olaf in his last levy to oppose
Canute the Great had assembled and brought to the
Baltic, the greater number were more than large
boats, of perhaps thirty feet of keel, with a forecastle
deck, a cabin aft, and the centre open, and merely
tilted over at night to shelter the crew. Yet to con-
struct many hundreds of such rude craft as this, —
and any kind of boat or ship below this, as a class of
vessels, could not have withstood sea and weather
along the coast of Norway, and across the Skagerack to
the Sound, — implies a general diffusion of the art of
working in iron ; a trade in the arts of raising and
smelting the ore ; and a knowledge, in every district
of the country, of the smith-work and carpenter-
work, and tools and handicrafts necessary for ship-
building and fitting out ships for sea. We have some
data in the sagas from which we can arrive at the
dimensions and appearance of the larger class of ves-
sels used by the Northmen, allowing that the ordinary
vessels of the peasants gathered by a levy could be
no larger or better than large herring boats. We
have in the Saga of Olaf Tryggvesson some details of
the building of the Long Serpent and the Crane,
sometime between the years 995 and 1000. The Long
KINGS OF NORAVAY.
135
Serpent is called the largest vessel that had ever been
built in Norway to that time. These were long-ships,
which appear to have been a denomination of ships
of war, distinguishing them from last-ships, or ships
for carrying cargoes. The long- ship was of much
smaller breadth in proportion to the length. The
long-ships appear to have been divided into two classes:
dragon ships, from the figure head probably of a
dragon being used on them, and which appear to
have had from twenty to thirty rowers on each side ;
and snekiars, or cutters, with from ten to twenty
rowers on a side. The Crane had thirty banks for
rowers ; and the forecastle and poop w^ere high, and
the vessel very narrow in proportion to her length.
The Long Serpent had thirty-four banks for rowers,
and the saga gives some interesting details concerning
her. The length of her keel, we are told, that rested
upon the grass, was 74 ells. This ell is stated by
Macpherson, in his " Annals of Commerce," on the
authority of Thorkelin, a learned antiquary, who was
keeper of the Eoyal Library at Copenhagen, to have
been equal to a foot and a half English measure. We
have, therefore. 111 feet at the least, as the length of
keel of this vessel. This would be within about 10
feet of the length of keel of one of our frigates of
42 guns, and of 942 tons burden, and of a breadth
of 38 feet and a depth of 13 feet ; or, taking a steam
vessel of 1 1 1 feet of keel, the extreme breadth would
be 22 feet, the depth 13^ feet, the tonnage 296 tons,
and the horse-power 120. These are dimensions and
proportions given for 111 feet of keel in the able arti-
cles on ship building and on steam navigation in the
" Encyclopaedia Britannica." The Long Serpent, being
a rowing as Avell as sailing vessel, would have as much
rake of stem and stern as a steamer ; and would be
as long on deck. She is described as of good breadth,
but the breadth is not stated; well timbered, for which
K 4
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. IV.
136
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. IV.
the saga refers to the knees for supporting the beams,
which were then to be seen ; and with thirty-four
benches or banks for rowers, which would be the
beams in a modern vessel. One of our long large
steam vessels, with high poop deck and forecastle
deck, low waist, and small breadth, would probably
have very nearly the same appearance in the water
as such a vessel as the Long Serpent ; only, instead of
paddle-boxes and wheels on each side, there would be
thirty-four oars out on each side between the fore-
castle and the poop. The Northmen appear by the
saga to have been lavish in gilding and painting their
vessels. One of these long low war -ships of the
vikings, with a gilded head representing a dragon on
the stem, and a gilded representation of its tail at the
stern curling over the head of the steersman, with a
row of shining red and white shields hung over the
rails all round from stem to stern, representing its scaly
sides, and thirty oars on each side giving it motion and
representing its legs, must have been no inapt repre-
sentation of the ideal figure of a dragon creeping over
the blue calm surface of a narrow gloomy fiord, sunk
deep, like some abode for unearthly creatures, between
precipices of bare black rock, which shut out the full
light of day. Dragon was a name for a class or size
of war-ships, but each had its o^vn name. The Crane,
the Little Serpent, the Long Serpent, the Bison, and
other vessels of about thirty banks for rowers, are
mentioned ; and vessels of from twenty to twenty-five
banks appear to have been common among the con-
siderable bonders, and cutters of ten or fifteen banks
to have been the ordinary class of vessels of all who
went on sea. A vessel of thirty or thirty-four banks
for rowers would have that number of oars out on
each side, and not fifteen or seventeen only on each
side ; because the breadth of such a vessel would be
sufiicient to give two rowers, sitting midships, a suffi-
Chap. IV.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 137
cient length of lever between their hands and the JfJ^J^^^-
fulcrum at the gunwales on either side, to wield and
work any length of oar that could be advantageous :
but in the smaller class of vessels of ten or fifteen
oars it is likely that one oar only was worked on each
bank, as in our men-of-war's boats, the whole breadth
of the vessel being required for the portion of the
lever or oar within the fulcrum or gunwale. Under
the feet of the rowers, in the waist of the vessel, the
chests of arms, stones for casting, provisions, clothing,
and goods, have been stowed, and protected by a deck of
moveable hatches. Upon this lower deck the crew ap-
pear to have slept at night, sheltered from the weather
by a tilt or awning, when not landed and under tents
on the beach for the night. Ship-tents are mentioned
in the outfit of vessels as being of prime necessity, as
much as ship-sails. In the voyages in the sagas, we
read of fleets collected in the north of Norway, from
Drontheim, and even from Halogaland, sailing south
along the coast every summer as far as the Sound,
and thence into the Baltic, or along the coast of Jut-
land and Sleswig, and thence over to Britain, or to
the other coasts. The major part of the vessels ap-
pear to have taken a harbour every night, or to have
been laid, on the coast of Norway, close to the rocks,
in some sheltered spot, mth cables on the land, or
with the fore-foot of the vessel touching the beach ;
and the people either landed and set up tents on
shore, or made a tilt on board by striking the mast,
and laying the tilt cloths or sails over it. The large
open vessels which at present carry the dried fish from
the Lofoden isles to Bergen, although open for the
sake of stowage, are of a size to carry masts of 40
feet long which are struck by the crew when not
under sail, there being no standing rigging, and only
one large square- sail. This appears to have been the
rig and description of all the ancient vessels, great
Chap. IV.
138 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, or small, of the Northmen. They appear to have had
DISSERT. . ' "^ ^^,
a certain show and luxury about their sails ; for we
read of them having stripes of white, red, and blue
cloths ; and we read of Sigurd the Crusader waiting
for a fortnight at the mouth of the Dardanelles with
a fair wind for going up the strait, until he got a
wind with which he could sail up with the sails
trimmed fore and aft in his ships, that the inhabitants
on shore might see the splendour of his sails. These
large rowing vessels had one advantage belonging
only to steam vessels in our times, that they could
back out of seen dangers ; and being under command
of oars, and with small draught of water, shallows,
rocks, and lee shores were not such formidable dan-
gers to them as to our sailing vessels. Many im-
portant towns in those times, as for instance all our
Cinque Ports, appear to have been situated rather
with a reference originally to a good convenience for
beaching such vessels, than to good sheltered harbours
for riding at anchor in. The whole coast of the
peninsula, from the North Cape round to Tornea, is
protected from the main ocean by an almost continu-
ous belt of islands, islets, rocks, and half-tide reefs, or
skerries, within which the navigation is comparatively
smooth, although very intricate for vessels with sails
only. This inland passage "within the skerries" is
used now, even in winter, by small boats going to the
cod-fishing in the Lofoden isles from the Bergen dis-
trict. It is only at particular openings, as at the
mouths of the great fiords, that this continuous chain
of sheltering isles and rocks is broken, and that the
eye of the ocean, as the Norwegian fishermen express
it, looks in upon the land. By waiting opportunities
to cross these openings vessels of a small class, we
may suppose, have accompanied King Olaf in his
foray to the Danish islands, in hopes of booty more
profitable than fish ; and we need not believe his
Chap. IV.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 139
fleet of 1200 vessels raised by his levy to have been ^REipr.
" " DISSERT.
all of a large class. When his son Magnus the Good
went to Denmark to claim the crown, upon the
death of Hardicanute of England, in consequence of
an agreement that the survivor of the two should
succeed to the heritage of the other, he is stated to
have had seventy large vessels with him, by which we
may suppose vessels of twenty banks or upwards,
such as the considerable bonders possessed, to be
meant ; and this number probably expresses more cor-
rectly the number of large ships then in the country.
The size of the war-vessels appears to have been
reckoned by the banks, or by the rooms between two
banks of oars. Each room or space, we may gather
from the sagas, was the berth of eight men, and was
divided into half-rooms, starboard and larboard, of
four men for working the corresponding oars. When
the ships were advancing two men worked the oar,
one covered them with his shield from the enemy's
missiles, and one shot at the enemy. When the ships
got into line, they were bound together by their stems
and sterns ; and the forecastles and poops, which were
decked, and raised high in the construction of their ves-
sels, and sometimes with temporary stages or castles on
them, were the posts of the fighting men. The main
manoeuvre seems to have consisted in laying the high
forecastles and poops favourably for striking down
with stones, arrows, and casting spears, upon a lower
vessel. They used grappling irons for throwing into
the enemy's ship, and dragging her towards them.
But these and similar observations will occur to the
reader of the many sea-fights recounted in the Heim-
skringla.
One of the most indispensable articles for a large
vessel, — one for which no substitute can be found, and
which cannot be produced single-handed, but requires
the co-operation of many branches of industry, — is the
140 CHKONICLE OF THE
DISSERT
Chap. IV.
PRELIM, anchor. Boats may be anchored by a stone, or a
hook of strong wood sunk by a heavy stone attached
to it ; but vessels of from 50 to 111 feet of keel, such
as the war-ships and last-ships of the JN^orthmen,
must have carried anchors of from ten to fifteen hun-
dred weight at the least, and we read of their riding-
out heavy gales. To forge, or procure in any way
such anchors, betokens a higher state of the useful
arts among these pagan Northmen than we usually
allow them.* Iron is the mother of all the useful
arts ; and a people who could smelt iron from the ore,
and work it into all that is required for ships of con-
siderable size, from a nail to an anchor, could not have
been in a state of such utter barbarism as they are
represented to us. We may fairly doubt of their
gross ignorance and want of civilisation in their pagan
state, when we find they had a literature of their
own, and laws, institutions, social arrangements, a
spirit and character very analogous to the English, if
not the source from which the English flowed ; and
were in advance of all the Christian nations in one
branch at least of the useful arts, in which great
combinations of them are required — the building, fit-
ting out, and navigating large vessels.
* The Museum of Northern Antiquities at Copenhagen contains many
articles, both of ornament and use, which display great ingenuity and
good workmanship in metal, and betoken a considerable division of
trades and of labour in their production, even in the earliest times.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
141
CHAP. V.
OF THE DISCOVERY OF GREENLAND AND AMERICA BY
THE NORTHMEN.
The jjiscovery of Greenland by the Icelanders about
the year 981, and the establishment of considerable
colonies on one or on both sides of that vast penin-
sula which terminates at Cape Farewell, — in which
Christianity and Christian establishments, parishes,
churches, and even monasteries, were flourishing, or
at least existing to such an extent that from 1124 to
1389_tliere was a re^ulai* succession of bishops^ of
whom seventeen are named, for their superintendence,
— are facts which no longer admit of any reasonable
doubt. The documentary evidence of the saga,. — which
gave not merely vague accounts of such a discovery
and settlement, but statistical details, with the names
and the distances from each other of farms or town-
ships, of which there were, according to accounts of
the 14th century, ninety in what was called Yestri-
bygd or the western settlement, with four churches,
and 190 in the Eystribygd or eastern settlement, with
one cathedral, eleven other churches, two towns, and
three or four monasteries, — bears all the internal evi-
dence of truth, in the consistency and simplicity of
the statements. The saga accounts also are supported
by the incidental notice of Greenland by contemporary
writers. Adam of Bremen mentions that the people
of Greenland, among other northern people, sent to
his diocesan, Adalbert archbishop of Bremen, who
died in 1075, for clergymen, who accordingly were
sent to them. The first bishop of Greenland men-
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. V.
Chap. V.
142 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, tioned in the Icelandic accounts was Arnold, who
DISSERT. •Ill 1 1 • • • .
was ordained by the archbishop of Lund, in Scania, in
1121. The bishopric of Greenland was afterwards
under the archbishop of Drontheim ; and Alf, or
Alfus, who is supposed to have died about 1378 in
Greenland, is the last who is known to have officiated
there. In 1389, Henry, according to Torfaeus, was
appointed bishop ; and in 1406 Askil was appointed
to succeed Henry, in case he was dead. But it does
not appear, according to Torfaeus, that either of them
ever reached Greenland ; but, since TorfaBus's time, a
document is said to have been discovered relative to
a marriage settlement executed at Garda, the name of
the town or episcopal seat in Greenland, by the last
bishop, whose name was Endrede Andreasson, not
Askil, three years later, viz. in 1409. In 1261, the
Greenland sett^ appear to have been regularly
annexed to the crown of Norway ]yy King ITakon
Hakonson, who sent messengers to the people of Green-
land ; and in the submission which the messengers
brought back, it was agreed " that all fines for mur-
ders, whether committed by Norwegian or Greenland
people, on inhabited or uninhabited land, or even under
the pole itself, should be paid to the king." The pay-
ments for murders, or other capital offences com-
pounded for by mulcts to the king and relations, were
then a considerable branch of the royal revenues. In
1388-9, Henry the bishop, on setting out for Green-
land, received instructions to keep the king's revenues
safely warehoused in a certain fixed place, those years
in which no vessels came to Greenland ; which shows
that the communications with Iceland were not yearly
or regular. A brief of Vg\)q Nicliolas V., in 1448, to
the bishops of Skalholt and Holiuu in Iceland, states
" that his beloved children dwelling in an island called
Greenland, on the utmost verge of the ocean north
of Norway, and who are under the archbishop of
KINGS OF NORWAY. 14
Drontheim, have raised his compassion by their com- prelim.
plaint that after having been Christians for 600 years,
and converted by the holy Saint Olaf, and having
erected many sacred buildings and a splendid cathedral
on said island, in which divine service was diligently
performed, they had thirty years ago been attacked
by the heathens of the neighbouring coast, who came
with a fleet against them, and killed and dispersed
many, and made slaves of those who were able-bodied ;
but having now gathered together again, they crave
the services of priests and a bishop." The pope there-
fore desires those bishops, as the nearest, to consult
with their diocesan, if the distance permit, and to
send the Greenland people a suitable man to be their
bishop. The sudden extinction of ?^. colmiy^ which
must have attained considerable importance and po-
pulation to have had a regular succession of bishops
for 250 years, is much more extraordinary than its
establishment. It vanished, as it were, from the
face of the earth, about the end of the 14th or begin-
ning of the 15th century ; and even the memory of
its former existence passed away. The Christian
colony established in the 10th century in Greenland,
with its churches, monasteries, bishops, was considered,
notwithstanding the internal and the collateral evidence
supporting the sagas, to be a pious delusion of the
middle ages, founded on a mere saga fable. The fable
itself is short, and appears to have nothing fabulous
in it. In the beginning of th^JDlh centmy^ an Ice-
lan^^. _jor__8L JioXffiegian^^.^^
Kraka^ waa .driven..hy.^..sJtQrmJLQ Jl]^
and discovered some rocks, which he called Gunbiorn
Skerry, and a great country, of which he brought the
news to Iceland. Soon after one Eric Red, or Eric
the Red, was condemned at Thorna^s Thing, in Iceland,
to banishment for a murder he had committed. He
fitted out a vessel, and told his friends he would go
Q
Chap. V.
144 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, and find the land which Gunbiorn had seen, and come
back and let them know what kind of country it was.
Eric sailed west from the Sneefieldsjokulj in Iceland,
to the ea,^t o:oa.st of (Ireenlanrl^ and then followed the
coast southwards, looking for a convenient place for
dwelling in. He sailed westward round a cape which
he called Hvarf *, and passed the first winter on an
island, which from him was called Eric's Isle. After
passing three years in examining the coast he re-
turned to Iceland, and gave such a fine account of the
country that it was called Greenland ; and the follow-
ing year twenty-five vessels with colonists set out
with him to settle in it, but only about one half
reached their destination, some having turned back,
and some being lost in the ice. About fonrtppn ypn.rs
after Eric was, settled in Greenlandi,.Jii3..JQn Leif, who
afterwards discovered Yinland, went over to ISTorway
to King Olaf Tryggvesson, who had him instructed in
Christianity, or baptized, and sent a priest with him
to Greenland, who ba2:)tized Eric and all the colonists.
Many came over from Iceland from time to time, and
the country was settled wherever it ^vas inhabitable.
In this account there is nothing incredible or incon-
sistent. Greenland was to Iceland what Iceland had
beento^Norway — a place of refuge for the surplus
population, for those who had no land or means of
liviiig. Iceland was originally an aristocratic republic,
— a settlement made by people of family and wealth,
who alone could fit out vessels for emita-atino' to it :
and these landnammen took possession of the land. Of
the lower class many in coarse of time must have be-
come retainers, tenants, or workpeople under the higher
class, and have been ready to emigrate to a country
* Hvarf appears a name given to extreme capes from which the coast
turns or bends in a different direction. Cape Wrath, the extreme
westerly point of the coast of Scotland, has originally been called Hvarf,
and in time changed to Wrath.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 145
DISSERT.
Chap. V.
where they could get land of their own, and at a dis- gfg^^RT
tance little more than half of that from Norway to
Iceland. The discovery and colonisation of land within
a distance so short, compared to the usual voyage
from Iceland to Norway, is not incredible, nor won-
derful. The means of subsistence in both countries
have probably been very much the same. Seals,jwhales,
fi sh of various kinds, reindeer, hares, wild fowl,
would give subsistence; oil, sMns,--feath£i:s,>.Jiirs-!^
which in the middle age were in great estiraatjo^^^^
dresSj — would ^ive surplus products for exchange.
Cattle, if we may believe the sagas, were kept in consi-
derable numbers. Corn was not produced in either
country. The balance of the natural products which
man may subsist on, — such as game, reindeer, seals,
fish, and of furs and feathers for barter, — may have
been even in favour of Greenland. The extinction of
such a colony, after existing for 400 years, is certainly
more extraordinary than its establishment, and almost
justifies the doubt whether it ever had existed. Se-
veral causes are given for this extraordinary circum-
stance. One is the gradual accumulation of ice on
both sides of this vast peninsula, by which not only
the pasturages, and temperature in which cattle could
subsist, may have been diminished, and with these one
main branch of the subsistence of the population ; but
also the direct communication with small vessels coast-
ing along the shores and through the sounds of Green-
land may have been interrupted, and the voyage round
Cape Farewell outside of the isles, and ice, and sounds,
have been too tempestuous for such vessels as they
possessed. Another cause was probably the great pesti-
lence called the black death, which appeared in Europe
about 1349, and which seems to have been more uni-
versal and destructive than the cholera, the plague, or
any other visitation known in the history of the
human race. It extinguished entirely populations
VOL. I. L
146 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, mucli more numerous, and more wholesomely fed,
DISSERT. J '
- — clothed, and lodged, than we can suppose a colony in
"^'^* ■ Greenland to have been, and it seems to have raged
particularly in the north. It is supposed by some
that this pestilence either swept off the whole popu-
lation of the colony, or weakened it so much that the
survivors were at last cut off by the Skraelingers or
Esquimaux, with whom the colonists appear to have
been always in hostility. The inequality between the
most contemptible race of savages and the most civil-
ised people of Europe would be but small, or the ad-
vantage probably on the side of the uncivilised, in all
warfare between them before the use of fire-arms ;
which, next to Christianity, has been the great means
of diffusing and securing civilisation among the human
race. The pope's brief of 1448, if it be a genuine
document, — and it is said to have been found in the
archives of the Vatican by a Professor Mallet some
years ago, but how he got there is not shown, — would
prove the truth of the conjecture which has been
made, that the colonists were overpowered by the
Skraelingers. The existing traditions among the Es-
quimaux*, of their having come in their canoes and
surprised and killed all the Kabloon or European peo-
ple in old times, is not worth much, as evidently it is
a tradition only of the moment produced by leading
questions put to them. No tradition in any country
seems to exist but as an impersonation, as an account
of an individual person doing a thing ; and it is the in-
dividual and his personal feats, not the great act itself,
that is delivered by tradition as its principal subject
matter. Another cause was, that Queen Margaret, on
whom the three northern crowns had devolved in
* The Esquimaux appear, by the narrative of his discoveries on the
north coast of America by the late Mr. Thomas Simpson (1843), to be
by no means the poor physically weak people met with at present in
Davis's Straits, and described by Captain Parry.
Chap. V.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 147
1387, had made the trade to Greenland, Iceland, the i^Relim.
Feroe Isles, Halogaland, and Finland, a royal mono-
poly, which could only be carried on in ships belonging
to, or licensed by, the sovereign ; and certain mer-
chants who had visited Greenland about that time
were accused of a treasonable violation of the royal
edict, we are told by Torfseus in his " Grasnlandia
Antiqua," and only escaped punishment by pleading
that stress of weather had driven them to those parts.
Her successor, Eric of Pomerania, was too much en-
gaged in Swedish affairs, and his successor, Christopher
of Bavaria, in his contests with the Hanseatic League,
to think of the colony of Greenland. Under the
monopoly of trade the Icelanders could have no ves-
sels, and no object for sailing to Greenland; and the
vessels fitted out by government, or its lessees, to
trade with them, would only be ready to leave Den-
mark or Bergen for Iceland, at the season they ought
to have been ready to leave Iceland to go to Green-
land. The colony gradually fell into oblivion. Its
former existence even had become a matter of dis-
puted or neglected tradition. Christian III., who
came to the throne 1534, abolished the prohibition of
sailing to Greenland ; and a few feeble attempts were
made at discovery by him and his successors from
time to time, and at last even these were given up.
It was not until 1721 that a Norwegian minister,
Hans Egide, — one of those rare men who go on to
their purpose unmoved by any selfish interest, and to
whom fame, wealth, honour, comfort, are neither
object nor reward, — resigned his living in Norway,
and obtained permission, after much difiiculty and
many petitions to government, to settle himself as a
missionary on the coast of Davis's Straits among the
Esquimaux. The general opinion was, that the lost
colony of Old Greenland was situated on the east
coast of the peninsula, and not within Davis's Straits ;
L 2
148
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. V.
and it does not appear that Hans Egide himself, at
first, had any idea that he was settling upon the ruined
seats of Christian predecessors of the same tongue
and mother country. It is a curious paragraph in the
history of the human race, showing how true it is
that in the tide of time man and his affairs return to
where they set out, — that Christian churches, bishops,
and consequently people in some numbers, and in some
state of civilisation, had existed, been extinguished,
and forgotten, and again on the same spot, after the
lapse of 400 years, men have attempted to live, colo-
nise, and Christianise. The feeble attempt in our
times, the struggle to subsist, and the trifling amount
of population in the modern colony after a century,
are strangely in contrast with the state of the old
colony. There are but about 150 Europeans at present
in these Danish colonies ; and the whole population
of the natives, from Cape Farewell as far north as
man can live, is reckoned under 6000 people, and
about five or six vessels only are employed in trading
with them ; and this is in a country which formerly
subsisted a population of European descent, which
had at least sixteen ecclesiastical establishments or
parishes, a bishop, monasteries, and consequently a
number greatly exceeding 150 souls. The old colonists
do not appear to have ever made converts among the
natives, and their numbers, which must at one time
have been considerable, appear to have found abundant
subsistence ; for we read in the sagas of vessels with
sixty men arriving in autumn, being subsisted all
winter, and fitted out in spring, and victualled for
voyages of uncertain and long duration: and now if
one of the vessels fitted out by charitable contribu-
tions by the sect of the Moravians to carry food to
their missionaries be delayed for a season, they are in
dan2:er of starvins:. Is it man or nature that has
changed ? Are men less
vigorous.
less energetic,
KmGS OF NORWAY. 149
Chap. V.
less enduring and hardy, than in those old times of DissEia\
the Northmen ? or is the land, the sea, the climate
less adapted now for the subsistence of the human
animal ?
The opinion of almost all antiquaries was, that the
main settlement of the old colonists, — the Eystribygd,
with its 190 townships, its town of Garda, its cathe-
dral, bishop's seat, and twelve or thirteen churches, —
was on the east coast of Greenland, somewhere on the
coast north of Cape Farewell, inaccessible now from
ice ; and the less important Vestribygd to have been
west of Cape Farewell, within Davis's Straits. Others
supposed that both settlements were on the east coast
of Greenland, and that the old colonists did not know
that Greenland had a west coast from Cape Farewell.
The opinions were founded on certain ancient sailing
directions found in the sagas, especially in a saga of
King Olaf Tryggvesson, in which it is mentioned that
from Stad, the westermost part of Norway, it is a
voyage of seven days' sailing due west to Hornpoint,
the eastermost part of Iceland ; and that from Snee-
iieldness, the point of Iceland nearest to Greenland, it
is a voyage of four days' sailing, also due west, to
Greenland : and a rock called Gunbiomskerry is stated
to be half-way between Iceland and Greenland ; but
this course, says one of the ancient accounts of un-
known date, but certainly of the 14th century, '' was
the old way of sailing; but now the ice from the
northern gulf has set down so near to this skerry,
that nobody can take this course without danger of
life." This rock, skerry, or isle, midway between the
coast of Iceland and that of Greenland, is proved by
Scoresby and other navigators to have no existence ;
and the east coast of Greenland, as far as it has been
possible to explore it, is found to be more inclement,
icebound, and in every way less adapted naturally to
afford subsistence to man, than the west coast within
L 3
150 CHRONICLE OF THE
SfslERT. Cape Farewell ; although the Eystribygd is represented
— in all the sagas as the most populous settlement, having
190, and the other only 90 townships. It is now
generally admitted that the east coast of Greenland
never was inhabited at all by the old colonists ; that
their east and west settlements had no reference to
being east or west of Cape Farewell, but to being
easterly or westerly from some place within Davis's
Straits, and which formed their division between the
two settlements ; and in this view the east settlement
would be the country nearest to Cape Farewell, and,
as at present, the best provided with the natural means
of subsistence ; and the western and poorer settlement
would be the country beyond it to the north ; and
that Gunbiornskerry was not in the midway, or half-
way, as it had been interpreted, in the sea between
Iceland and Greenland, but some island on the east
coast of Greenland, which was half-way, in point of
distance and time, between Iceland and the eastern
settlement in Greenland. From it they took a new
departure, and coasted along, with sails and oars,
round Cape Hvarf, or Cape Farewell, and up Davis's
Straits to the eastern settlement. Hans Egide, his
son Paul, and others, had from time to time examined
and sent home accounts of remains of ancient build-
ings which they had found on their missionary excur-
sions. Arctander, as early as 1777, had made reports
of such remains. The Society of Northern Antiquaries
at Copenhagen took up the subject with great zeal in
this century ; and researches have been made of which
the result is a kind of synthetic proof, as it may be
called, of the veracity of the saga. The remains of
former inhabitation of the country, of houses, paths,
walls, stepping-stones, churches, foundations of rows
of dwellings, show that the saga accounts have not
been exaggerated ; and it must give every fair un-
prejudiced reader a confidence which he had not
KINGS OF NORWAY. 151
before in the sagas when he finds in this — the most DfJ^KUT'.
questionable perhaps of all the saga statements — that ^.^^7"^
a considerable Icelandic colony actually had existed
in Greenland from the 10th century. The facts they
state are fully supported by the discoveries made on
the spot within this century. A similar moral con-
fidence in the sagas is given to the few saga readers
who happen tO be acquainted with the Orkney Islands,
from finding, in the Orkneyinga Saga, a minute and
accurate knowledge of places, distances, names, and
other details of the localities mentioned. In this case
of Greenland the remains discovered carry conviction
to all. At Karkortog, a branch of a long fiord called
Igalik, in latitude 60° 50' north, and longitude 44° 37',
near to the settlement of Julianahope, is a ruin of a
building 51 feet in length by 25 feet in breadth, with
well-built stone walls, 4 feet thick, standing to the
height of 16 and 18 feet; and with two round arched
windows, one in each gable, and four other windows
not arched, on each side, and with two door-ways, —
evidently intended for a church. This appears the
most perfect of the ruins yet discovered. Foun-
dations, with walls in some parts 4 feet high, have
been found of buildings 120 feet in length by 100 feet
in breadth ; and from such rows being found in various
places, the families may be supposed to have lived in
contiguous houses. But single dwellings also have
been used, as foundations overgrown with dwarf-
willow, and the berry-bearing shrubs, are found in
favourable situations on the sides of the fiords. In
what appears to have been a church, the foundations
being 96 feet long by 48 feet broad, at the extremity
of the fiord Igalikkoi, latitude 60° 55^, a stone with
a Runic inscription was found in 1830; and to the
readers of Runic the inscription ofi*ered no difficulty: —
" Yigdis, M. D. Hvilir Her. Glcede Gud Sal Hennar ;'^
that is, '^ Vigdisa rests here : God bless her soul." The
L 4
152
CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM.
DISSERT,
Chap. V.
meaning of the letters M. D. following the name, and
which probably refer to the person's family, as Mag-
nus's Daughter, or some similar distinctive use, form
the only obscurity. In 1831 the missionary De Fries
found near Igigeitum, in latitude 60°, a tombstone
used as a door-lintel to a Greenland house, with an
inscription in Roman characters — " Her Hvilir Hro
Kolgrims;" which is, " Here rests Hroar or Hroaldr
Kolgrimson." But the most interesting of these in-
scriptions is one discovered in 1824, in the island
Kingigtorsook in Baffin's Bay, in latitude 72° 55' north,
longitude 56° 5' west of GreeuAvich ; as it shows hoAV
bold these Northmen have been in their seamanship,
and how far they had penetrated into regions supposed
to have been unvisited by man before the voyages of
our modern navigators. It now appears that Captain
Parry and Captain Lyon had only sailed over seas
which had been explored by these Northmen in the
12th century. The inscription found in this high
latitude was sent to three of the greatest antiquaries
and Runic scholars in Europe — Finn Magnusen,
Professor Rask, and Dr. Bryniulfson in Iceland ; and,
without communication mth each other, they arrived
at the same interpretation, viz. ^'ErlingSighvatson and
Biorne Thordarson and Eindrid Oddson, on Saturday
before Ascension Week, raised these marks and cleared
ground. 1135." The meaning is, that in token of
having taken possession of the land, they had raised
marks or mounds of which Kragh and Stephenson
observed some vestiges on the spot Avhere the inscrip-
tion was found, and had cleared a space of ground
around, being a symbol of appropriation of the land.
The interesting part of this inscription has not been
sufficiently noticed and examined. In the Romish
church the days of the Ascension Week are of peculiar
solemnity. The priests, accompanied by the people,
walk in long processions with lighted torches around
KINGS OF NORWAY. 153
the churches and consecrated ground, chanting, and ^{^s^^J^t
sprinkling holy water. From the numerous processions
going on at this festival, the Ascension Week was
called the Gang Dayis, or Ganging Dayis, in old Scotch,
— is still called the Gang Week in some parts of Eng-
land,— was called Gang Dagas in Anglo-Saxon, — and
Ascension Day, Gagn Dagr in the Icelandic ; and the
going in procession, not the Gagn or Gain of Spiritual
Victory, has given the name to the Dies Yictoriae in
the northern languages. It appears that there are
two festivals which might be called Gagn Dagr in the
Romish church, from their being celebrated by proces-
sions: one is the Dies YictorisBMaximus, about the 24th
of April ; the other procession day is about the 14th of
May ; and the Laukardakin fyrir Gakndag of the inscrip-
tion may be the Saturday before either of these pro-
cession days. But, to whichsoever it refers, the people
who made these marks at that time of the year must
have wintered upon the island. By the accounts of
all northern voyagers, the sea in Baffin's Bay is not
navigable at or near Ascension Week, or any church
festival to which Gakn Dagr applies. We must either
suppose that these Northmen, without any of our
modern outfit of ships for wintering in such high
latitudes, did not only winter there, but found the
country so endurable as to take possession of it by a
formal act indicating an intention to settle in the
island ; or we must suppose that the cold, within so
recent an historical period as 800 years ago, has in-
creased so nmch in the northern parts of the globe,
that countries are now uninhabitable by man which
were formerly not so. Both, perhaps, may be taken into
account. The capability of enduring cold or heat in
extreme degrees may be acquired by individuals or
tribes, and the habits and functions of the body be-
come adapted to the temperature. The advance of
ice locally in Davis's Straits, and on the east coast of
DISSERT
Chap. V
154 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM. Greenland, seems also ascertained by the yearly in-
crease of the fields of ice in the neighbouring seas
within the experience of our whale fishers.
The discovery of America, or Yinland, in the 11th
century^ by the same race of enduring enterprising
seamen, is not less satisfactorily established by docu-
mentary evidence than the discovery and colonisation
of Greenland ; but it rests entirely upon documentary
evidence, which cannot, as in the case of Greenland,
be substantiated by any thing to be discovered in
America. One or two adventurers made voyages,
came to new countries to the south and west of
Greenland, landed, repeated their visits, and even
remained for one or two years trading for skins with
the natives, and felling timber to take home in their
ships ; but they establislied no colony, l^ft none behiiid
them to multiply, and, as in Greenland, to construct,
in stone, memorials of their existence on the coast of
America. All that can be proved, or that is required
to be proved, for establishing the priority of the dis-
covery of America by the Northmen, is that the saga,
or traditional account of these voyages in the jjth
cent|iry was committed to writing at a known date,
viz. between 1387 and 18 9^^^^ in a manuscript of un-
questionable authenticity, of which these particular
sagas or accounts relative to Yinland form but a small
portion ; an,d that this known date was eighty years
before Columbus visited Iceland to obtain nautical
information, viz. in 1477, when Iia,must have heard
of this written account of Vinland; and il_was.-nat
till IVJ'2 that lie disco^X'^ed xVmerica. This simple
fact, established on documents altogether incontro-
vertible, is sufiicient to prove all that is wanted to be
proved, or can be proved, and is much more clearly
and ably stated by Thormod Torfa3US, the great anti-
quary of the last century, than it has been since, in
his very rare little tract, " Historia Vinlandiaj Anti-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 155
quae, 1707." This, however, has not been thought 5fs|^}^^>-
sufficient by modern antiquaries, and great research —
and talent have been expended in overlaying this
simple documentary fact, on which alone the claim of
the Icelanders to the priority of discovery rests, with
a mass of documents of secondary importance and no
validity. These are of secondary importance; because
the circumstances which led to or happened upon these
voyages, the family descent, or even identity of the
adventurers, and the truth or falsehood of the details
related, do not either confirm or shake the simple fact
on which every thing rests, — that .aalisJtiovery.Qf ja.,j]ie:a:,
land to the west_and south was inade and recorded,
taken out of the niere traditionary s^tate^^an^^
writing in 1387, or 100 years before Columbus's^ first
voyage. They are of no validity ; because, after Co-
lumbus's first voyage in 1492, the seafaring people in
every country would be talking of and listening to
accounts of discoveries, new or old, — imagination
would be let loose, — and old sagas would be filled
up and new invented ; so that no document relative
to this question is of real validity which is not proved
at setting out to be older than 1492, — that is to say,
not merely an older story which may have circulated
in the traditionary state from the 10th or 11th cen-
tury, but older than 1492 on paper or parchment.
Saga antiquaries are sometimes given to confounding
together in their speculations these two very distinct
ages of their documents. The only document of this
dnd is the one pointed out by TorfaBus in 1707, which
is in itself good and sufficient, and beyond all sus-
picion ; and to link it to documents of uncertain or
suspicious date, or to details which may or may not
DC true, and which require the aid of imagination,
prejudice, or good will to believe, as well as of sober
judgment, is Aveakening, not strengthening, the argu-
Chap. V.
156 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, nient. Torfaeus kindled a light which the moths have
gathered about, and almost put out.
In 1697 Peringskiold published the "Heimskringla"
of Snorro Sturleson, with a Latin and Swedish trans-
lation of the Icelandic. It was discovered and pointed
out by Torfseus, that Peringskiold must have had some
inferior manuscript of the work before him, because
eight chapters of the Saga of King Olaf Tryggves-
son, viz. from Chapter 105. to Chapter 113., are in-
terpolated, and are not to be found in any genuine
manuscript of Snorro's work. These eight chapters
contain the accounts of the voyages of Leif and of
Karlsefne to Vinland. There is internal evidence in
Snorro's work itself that these eight chapters are a
clumsy interpolation by Peringskiold, or his authority ;
for they interrupt Snorro's narrative in the most in-
teresting period of King Olaf Tryggvesson's Hfe, and
have no connection with the transactions or personages
preceding or foUomng ; whereas all Snorro's episodes
are, with surprising art and judgment, connected with
what goes before or is to follow, and are brought in
exactly at the right place. It may be thought, at
first sight, that the very circumstance of a man of
Snorro's knowledge and judgment in the sagas not
knowing, or knowing not adopting, the account of the
discovery of Vinland given in these eight chapters
subsequently interpolated in his work, is conclusive
against their value and authenticity. But it is to be
remembered that although he probably knew of them,
the subject was altogether foreign to his work. Yin-
land was an object of no interest in his days, and had
not, hke Greenland, Iceland, the Feroe Isles, or Orkney,
been occupied as a colony, or part of the dominions of
Norway, and had not employed any of the historical
personages of whom he treats ; and therefore it would
have been inconsistent vdih his work to introduce the
obscure, and in his time unimportant fact, of the dis-
KINGS OF NORWAY.
157
covery of new land, or the adventures of the discover-
ers. The eight chapters in question, by whomsoever
they were interpolated into Snorro Sturleson's work,
proved to be taken, with few variations, and none of
any importance, from the eighth chapter of the Saga
of King Olaf Tryggvesson in the " Codex Flatoiensis."
This saga gives more details of the reign of that king
than Snorro Sturleson's saga of it, and is no doubt
the source from which he drew his account, using it
often verbatim.
The " Flateyar Annall, or Codex Flatoiensis," by
far the most important of Icelandic manuscripts, takes
its name from the island Flato, in Bredefiord in Ice-
land, where it had been long preserved, and where
Bishop Swendson of Skalholt purchased it, about 1 650,
from the owner, Jonas Torfeson, for King Frederic III.,
giving in exchange for it the perpetual exemption
from land-tax of a small estate of the owner. The
manuscript is in large folio, beautifully written on
parchment. On the first page stands — " This book
is owned by Ion Hakonson. Here are, first, songs;
then how Norway was inhabited or settled ; then of
Eric Yidforla (the far-travelled) ; thereafter of Olaf
Tryggvesson, and all his deeds * ; then next the saga
of King Olaf the Saint, with all his deeds, and there-
Avith the sagas of the Orkney Earls ; then the saga of
Swerrer, and thereafter the saga of Hakon the Old,
with the sagas of King Magnus his son ; then are
deeds of Einar Sokkeson of Greenland, thereafter of
Helge and Ulf the Bad ; then begin annals from the
time the world was made, showing all to this present
time that is come. The priest Ion Thordarson has
written from Eric Yidforla, and the two sagas of the
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. V.
* Thattr does not exactly mean deeds, but excerpts or short accounts
of deeds. We use in Scotland the expression, ^^ a tait o' woo/' — a little
wool pulled out of a fleece ; which corresponds to the Icelandic thattr,
an excerpt.
158 CHRONICLE OF THE
piiELiM. Olafs ; and priest Magnus Thorhallsson has written
from thence, and also what is ^\Tritten before, and has
illuminated the whole. God Almighty and the Holy
Virgin Mary bless those who wrote, and him who
dictated." The writer of this paragraph says, that
the annals written out by the priest Magnus Thorhalls-
son from the beginning of the world come down to
the present time, and he has consequently been a con-
temporary of the scribe Magnus Thorhallsson. These
annals end with the year 1395, and the time at which
the writing was concluded is thus distinctly ascer-
tained. The time at which the writing was com-
menced is also distinctly ascertained ; for in the piece
on " how Norway was inhabited," in giving the series
of kings, it is said, on coming to King Olaf Hakonson,
" He was king when this book was writing; and then
were elapsed from the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ
1300 and 80 and 7 years." The dates of the begin-
ning and ending of this beautiful piece of penmanship
are thus fixed, and the handwriting of each of the
scribes perfectly known. The " Codex Flatoiensis "
is not an original work of one author, but a collection
of sagas transcribed from older manuscripts, and ar-
ranged in so far chronologically that the accounts are
placed under the reign in which the events they tell
of happened, although not connected with it or with
each other. Under the saga of Olaf Tryggvesson are
comprehended the sagas of the Feroe Islands ; of the
Yikings of Jomsburg ; of Eric Red, and Leif his son,
the discoverers of Greenland and Vinland ; and the
voyages of Karlsefne to Vinland, and all the circum-
stances, true or false, of their adventures. It is evi-
dent_tliat_jthe_main fact is that ofa discovery of a
western land being recordecLin wntingjbetween 138T
and 1395 ; and whether the minor circumstances^such
as the personal adventures of the discoverers, or the
exact localities in America which the}^ visited, be or
KINGS OF NORWAY. 159
Chap. V.
be not known, cannot affect this fact, — nor the very j5'/|f^{JJ;
strong side-fact, that eighty years after this fact was
recorded in writing, in no obscure manuscript, but in
one of the most beautiful works of penmanship in
Europe, Columbus came to Iceland^ from Bristol, in
]477, on purpose to gain nautical information, and
must have heard of the written accounts of discoveries
recorded in it. It is as great an error to prove too
much as to prove too little. Enough is proved for
* The English trade with Iceland appears to have heen very con-
siderable. Annals in manuscript of 1411 and 1413, quoted by Finn
Magnuson_, in his Treatise on the English Trade to Iceland in the
" Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed/' mention, besides plundering and
piracy committed by the English, proclamations of Eric of Pomerania
against trading with them. In 1413 there^were thirty English vessels on
the Iceland coast. In 1415, in the harbour of Havnefiord there were
six English vessels at one time. The trade had been made a monopoly,
and the English appear to have forcibly broken through its regulations,
in spite of the proclamations of their own and the Norwegian sovereign.
The Icelandic bishops at that time — viz. John Johnson, bishop of
Holum,and his successor in 1429^ John Williamson — were Englishmen;
and also the bishop of Skalholt in 1430, John Garrickson, appears to
have come from England. Bristol and Hull appear, in 1474, to have
had a great share of the trade to Iceland. It appears, from the Memoir
of Columbus by his son Fernando, that in February, 1477;, his father
visited Tyle (Thule) or Friesland, " an island as large as England,
with which the English, especially those of Bristol, drive a great trade."
It is a curious coincidence that he mentions he came to the island
without meeting any ice, and the sea was not frozen ; and in an au-
thentic document of March in the same year, 1477> it is mentioned as
a kind of testimony of the act of which the document is the protocol,
that there was no snow whatever upon the ground at the date it was
executed, — a rare circumstance, by which it would be held in remem-
brance. In the year 1477^ Magnus Eyolfson was bishop of Skalholt:
he had been abbot of the monastery at Helgafel, where the old accounts
concerning Vinland and Greenland were, it is supposed, originally
written and preserved, and the discoverers were people originally from
that neighbourhood. Columbus came in spring to the south end of
Iceland, where Whalefiord was the usual harbour ; and it is known that
Bishop Magnus, exactly in the spring of that year, was on a visitation
in that part of his see, and it is to be presumed Columbus must have
met and conversed with him. These are curious coincidences of small
circumstances, which have their weight. — See Captain Zahrtmann on
the Voyage of Zeno, and F. Magnuson on the English Trade to Iceland,
2d vol. of Nordisk Tidsskrift, 1833.
Chap. V.
160 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, the purpose of establishing the priority of discovery ;
but when the northern antiquaries proceed to prove
the details, — to establish the exact points in the state
of Massachusetts at which Leif put up his wooden
booths, and where Karlsefne and his mfe Gudrid
lived, and Freidisa committed her wholesale slaughter,
and to make imaginary discoveries of Runic inscriptions
and buildings erected by Northmen in Rhode Island, —
they are poets, not antiquaries. The subject is of so
much interest both in Europe and America, and so
much has been written in very expensive books to
prove what is not susceptible of proof, and of no im-
portance if proved, that a few pages must be bestowed
on it.
*^From the adventurous spirit of the Northmen in
the 11th century, — from their habits of living on
board ship, on their ordinary viking cruises, for many
more weeks and months together than are required for
a voyage from Iceland to America, — from their being
at home on board, and accustomed on their sea expe-
ditions up the Mediterranean, to the White Sea, and
to Iceland direct across the ocean, to a sea life, — it is
not improbable that they should have undertaken a
voyage of discovery to the west and south, and have
renewed it when they found a land which produced
building timber and skins to repay them. It was
certainly not seamanship that was wanting among
them in those ages, but science only. The class of
vessels in which they sailed made them in a great
measure independent of the science of navigation;
because their vessels were of an easy draught of
water, and they had a command with their oars and
their numerous crews over their vessels, which made
a lee shore, or other unfavourable position, of no such
importance as to modern ships. In size, and as sea-
boats, their_ vessels in general were probably equal or
superior to^ose in which Columbus made his first
KINGS OF NORWAY. 161
DISSERT,
Chap. V.
voyage. One of Columbus's vessels is understood to 5J|f^^^^
have been only a half-decked craft. Sebastian Cabot,
and some of the earliest explorers of Baffin's Bay,
sailed in vessels under thirty tons. The Anna Pink,
which accompanied Lord Anson half round the world,
was a vessel of eighteen tons. In their shipping, sea-
manship, and habits of sea life and endurance, there
was certainly nothing to make it, a priori^ improbable
that they should undertake a voyage of discovery to
the south and west of Greenland. The details of ad-
ventures on such a voyage may not be correct, and
yet the fact itself true. The following is an abridg-
ment, as short as possible, of the details, and the
conclusions drawn from them as to the loca|j,ti^i=^ ^^
America which thp.y yi^itprl. The eight chapters
themselves are annexed in the Appendix.
Eric Bed, in spring, 986, emigrated from Iceland to
Greenland with^Heriulf Bardson. He fixed his abode
at Brattalid, in Ericsfiord ; and Heriulf at Heriulfs-
ness. ^iorne, the son of the latter, was absent in
Norway at the time, and finding on his return that
his father was gone, resolved to follow him, and put
to sea. As winter was approaching, they had bad
weather, northerly winds and fogs, and did not know
where they were. When it cleared up they saw a
land without mountains, but with many small hills,
and covered with wood. This not answering the
description of Greenland, they turned about and left
it on the larboard hand ; and sailing two days they
came to another land, flat, and covered with wood.
Then they stood out to sea with a south-west wind,
and saw a third land, high, and the mountains covered
with glaciers ; and coasting along it they saw it was
an island. Biorne did not land, but stood out to sea
with the same south-west wind, and sailing with fresh
gales reached, in four days more, Heriulfsness in
Greenland, his father's abode. ^
VOL. I. M
162 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSERT
Chap. V.
pRELTivi. Some years after this, supposed to be ahmit 994:
Biorne was in Norway on a visit to Earl Eric, and
was much blamed, when he told of his discovery, for
not having examined the countries more accurately.
Leif, a_son of Eric Red^ bought his ship, when Biorne
returned to Greenland, and with j,„crew of th^^
men set out, about the year -1000, to lool^ for tb£se
lands. He came first to the land which Biorne had
seen last, landed, found no grass, but vast icy moun-
tains in the interior, and between them and the shore
a plain of flat slaty stones (hella), and called the
country*Hellaland. They put to sea, and came to
another country, which was level, covered with woods,
with many clifFs of white sand, and a low coast, and
called the country Parkland (outfield or woodland).
They again stood out to sea with a north-east wmd,
and after two days' sailing made land, and came to an
island eastward of the mainland, and entered into a
channel between the island and a point projecting
north-east from the mainland. They sailed eastward,
saw much ground laid dry at ebb tide, and at last
went on shore at a place where a i^iver which came
fcpm a lake fell into the sea. They brought their
vessel through the river into the lake, and anchored.
Here they put up some log huts ; but, after resolving
to winter there, they constructed larger booths or
houses. After lodging themselves, Leif divided his
people into two companies, to be employed by turns
in exploring the country, and working about the
houses. One of the exploring party, a German by
birth, called Tyrker, was one day missing. They
went out to look for him, and soon met him, talking
German, rolling his eyes, and beside himself. He at
last told them in Norse, as they did not understand
German, that he had been up the country, and had
discovered vines and grapes; adding, "that he should
knoAv what vines and grapes were, as he was born in
KINGS OF NORWAY. 163
DISSERT.
Chap. V.
a country in which they were in plenty." They now i'}l|^{*|
occupied themselves in hewing timber for loading the
YeaadLaAd,. collecting grapes with which they filled the
sh i p^s .bflat. Leif caUed jh ej30untry Vinland. They
sailed in spring, and returned to Greenland.
^Xeif 's brother, Thorwald, set out, inTHe^ear 1002,
to Yinland in Leif's vessel, and came to his booths or
houses, and wintered there. In spring Thorwald
sent a party in the boat to explore the coast to the
south. They found the country beautiful, Avell
wooded, with but little space between the woods and
the sea, and long stretches of white sand, and also
many islands and shoals ; and on one island found a
corn barn, but no other traces of people. They re-
turned in autumn to Leif's booths. Next summer
Thorwald sailed with the large vessel, first eastward,
then northward, past a headland opposite to another
headland, and forming a bay. They called the first
headland Kialarness (Keel Ness). They then sailed
into the nearest fiord, to a headland covered with
wood. Thorwald went on shore, and was so pleased
that he said ''he should like to stay there." On
going on board they observed three hillocks on the
sandy shore. They went up to them, and found they
were three canoes, with three Skrselingers under each.
They killed eight of them, and one made his escape in
his canoe. A great number afterwards came in skin-
canoes and attacked them. They were repulsed ; but
Thorwald was wounded by an arrow and died, and
according to his directions was buried at the promon-
tory where he had expressed his wish to stay, or take
up his abode, Avith a cross at the head and one at the
foot of his grave ; and the place was called Crossness.
His companions returned to Leif's booths, wintered
there, and in spring sailed to Greenland.
Thorstein, Eric's third son, set out in the same
ship, with his wife Gudrid, and a crew of twenty-five
M 2
164 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSERT
Chap. V.
PRELIM, men, to brino- home his brother's body ; but after
DISSERT. T CD ,
driving about all summer they returned, without
making the land, to Lysnfiord in Greenland, where
Thorstein died, and his wife Gudrid returned to
Ericsiiord.
Next summer, viz. 1006, two ships from Ice-
land came to Greenland. One was commanded by
Thorfinn, called Karlsefne (of manly endowment) ;
the other by Biorne Grimulfson. A third ship was
commanded by Thorward. Karlsefne had married
in the course of the winter Gudrid, the widow of
Thorwald, and by her advice resolved on going to
Yinland in spring. Thorward had married Freydisa,
a natural daughter of Eric ; and the three ships set
out with 160 men, and all kinds of live stock, to
establish a colony in Vinland. They sailed first
to the Westerbygd (within Davis's Straits), and to
Blarney (Disco Isle). From thence they sailed in
a southerly direction to Hellaland, where they found
many foxes. From thence, sailing two days to the
south, they came to Markland, a wooded country
stocked with animals. Then they sailed south-west
for a long time, having the land to starboard, until
they came to Kialarness, where there were great de-
serts, and long beaches and sands. When they had
passed these, the land was indented with inlets. They
had two Scots with them. Hake and Hekia, whom
Leif had formerly received from King Olaf Tryg-
gvesson, and who were very swift of foot. They were
put on shore to explore the country to the south-west,
and in three days they returned with some grapes,
and some ears of wheat, which grew wild in that
country. They continued their course until they came
to a fiord which penetrated far into the land. Off the
mouth of it was an island with strong currents round
it, and also up in the fiord. They found vast num-
bers of eyder ducks on the island, so that they could
KINGS OF NORWAY. 165
scarcely walk Avithout treading on their eggs. They JJ^I^jfJ,-
called the island Straumay (Stream Isle), and the — •
fiord Straumfiord. A party of eight men, com-
manded by Thorhall, left them here, and went north
to seek for Yinland. Karlsefne proceeded with
Snorro, Biorne, and the rest, in all 151 men, south-
wards. Those who went northwards passed Kialar-
ness ; but were driven by westerly gales oiF the
land, and to the coast of Ireland, where, it was after-
wards reported, they were made slaves. Karlsefne
and his men arrived at the place where a river
issuing from a lake falls into the sea. Opposite to
the mouth of the river were large islands. They
steered into the lake, and called the place Hop (the
Hope). On the low grounds they found fields of
wheat growing wild, and on the rising grounds vines.
**One morning a number of skin-canoes came to them.
The people were sallow-coloured, ill-looking, with ugly
heads of hair, large eyes, and broad cheeks ; and after
looking at the strangers they retired round the cape
to the south-west. Karlsefne put up dwelling-houses
a little above the bay, and they wintered there : no
snow fell, and their cattle lived in the open field. On
the shortest day the sun was above the horizon in the
watch before and after mid-day watch. A number of
canoes came a^gain from the south-west, holding^ up a
white shield as a signal of peace^ and bartered grey
furs for bits of cloth, and for milk soup. The bull
belonging to the party happened to bellow, and the
Skraelingers were terrified, and fled in their canoes.
Gudrid, Karlsefne's wife, lay in here of a son, who
was called Snorro. '*In the beginning of the following
winter, the Skraelingers attacked them. They were
defeated by the courage of Gudrid (who appears to
have been far advanced in pregnancy at the time of
this attack); but lost a man, and were so d i spirit prl by
the prospect of constant hostilities with the natives,
M 3
166 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSERT
Chap. V
PRELIM, that thev resolved to return* They sailed east, and
came to Straumiiord. Karlsefne then took one of the
ships to look for Thorhall, while the rest remained
behind. They proceeded northwards round Kialar-
ness, and afterwards to the north-west, the land being
to larboard of them, and covered with thick forests.
They considered the hills they saw at Hope, and
these, as one continuous range. They spent the third
winter at Straumiiord. Karlsefne^s son was now three
years old. When they sailed from Vinland they had
southerly winds, and came to Markland, where they
met five Skraelingers, and took two boys, whom they
taught Norse, and who told them their people had no
houses, but Hved in holes and caves : that they had
kings ; one called Avaldamon, and the other Yaldida.
Biorne Grimulfson was driven into the Irish Ocean,
and came into waters so infested with worms that
their ship was in a sinking state. Some of the crew
were saved in the boat, which had been smeared over
with seal- oil, which is a preventive against worms in
wood. Karlsefne continued his voyage to Greenland,
and arrived at Ericsfiord.
During the same summer. XQ^^- a ship from Nor-
way came to Greenland. The vessel belonged to two
brothers, Helge and Finboge, Avho wintered in Green-
land. Freydisa (the natural daughter of Eric Red,
who had married Thorward) proposed to them to join
in an expedition to Vinland, each party to have thirty
men, and to divide the gain equally. They agreed,
and set out, and reached Leif 's booths, where they
spent the winter; but Freydisa, who had taken five men
more with her than the agreement allowed, quarrelled
with the brothers, and murdered them and the whole
of their people, and returned in spring (1013) to
Greenland.
Karlsefne went to Norway with his Vinland cargo
next summer, and it was considered ^yery valuable.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 167
He sold even a mcce of wood used for a dortr^hayt nr prki;,\m-
a broomstick, to a Bremen merchant for half a mark ^
"■ -■■' ' iin~i. I. ,„.ii.«M ■ i«f.i.i..-...-.jjwnii, m iMi , . — . Chap. V.
^fjLQM ; foJ^ it was of massur-Avood of Yiiiland. He
returned, and purchased land in Iceland; and many
peo^^le of distinction are descended from him and his
son Snorro, ^vho_was_hQrli.JUL.£inlaI^^^^ After his
death his widow, Gudrid, went to Rome, and on her
return lived in religious seclusion in Iceland.
The above is an abridgment of the eight chapters
on which the whole accounts of Vinland rest, and
which are given at length in the Appendix ; and so
much fanciful speculation has been reared upon this
foundation, that it deserves examination. The main
facts — the discovery of various lands to the south and
west of Greenland, the repeated voyages to them, and
the reasonable motives of such voyages — bear all the
internal evidences of simple truth. We may generally
believe in the truth of the accounts of men's actions,
when we see reasonable and sufficient motives for
them so to act. Iceland, although it had wood in
those days, and has some st^ll, produced only a
scrubby small brush^v^ood of birch or hazel, not fit for
ship -building, nor for the large halls which it ^\^as the
fashion of the age for great people to have for enter-
taining and lodging their followers in ; and the state
of society made it necessary for safety to keep large
bodies of retainers always at hand, and about them.
It is told as a remarkable thing in the Landnamma
Book, or History of the Original Settlers in Iceland
(page 29.), that Avang found such large wood Avhere
he settled, that he built a long- ship ; and in the Kristni
Saga it is mentioned that Hialte Skeggeson built a
ship at home, so large that he sailed in it to Norway.
In general, hoAvever, they had to buyjheir sea-going
vessels in Norway. The drift wood found about the
shores of Iceland in great abundance to a late period,
and perhaps even now, would be too much shaken and
M 4
168 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSERT
Chap. V.
PRELIM, wormeaten to be fit for ship-building, even if it were
of a sufficient size. To go in quest of the wooded
countries to the south-west, from Avhence drift wood
came to their shores, was a reasonable, intelligible
motive, for making a voyage in search of the lands
from whence it came, and where this valuable ma-
terial could be got for nothing. So far we see rea-
sonable motives followed by reasonable and perfectly
credible acts and results. In the account, however,
of the_details^upon which so much has been built up
by modern antiquaries, we find no such consistency,
credibility, or internal evidence of truthfulness. Leif
and his successors, Karlsefne and others, arrive in
Vinland in spring — say in May, June, or July. In
what climate, or part of the world, are grapes to be
found in those months ? They can hardly tread on
Straum Island — settled by our modem antiquaries to
be Egg Island, at the mouth of Plymouth Sound in
Massachusetts — for the eggs of eyder ducks. It
was consequently early in spring, before birds were
hatched, and before grapes have the shape of fruit
in any climate, that they found ripe grapes and ears
of wheat ! Do vines, or wheat, or corn of any kind,
grow spontaneously in those countries ? This is a
question by no means satisfactorily ascertained.
Tyrker the German, who knew so well grapes and
vines, " because he was born in a country in which
these are not scarce," comes back to his party after a
short absence, rolling his eyes, making faces, talking
German, and half drunk. All the grapes in Germany,
and Vinland to boot, would not make a man drunk,
without their juice undergoing the vinous ferment-
ation. This is clearly the fiction of some saga-maker,
who knew no more of wine than that it was the juice
of the grape ; and all the geographical speculations
upon the sites and localities of the Vinland of the
Northmen, built upon the natural products of the
KINGS OF NORWAY. 169
land, fall to the ground. The eyder duck, on our PRE^m.
side of the world, is very rarely seen in lower latitudes
than 60°. It may be different on the American coast ;
but the Skraehngers, the sallow-complexioned people
with skin-canoes mth whom they bartered cloth and
milk for sable and squirrel or grey skins, are, to-
gether with their articles of traffic, of northern origin.
The red race of Indians could never have been called
Skraelingers, and described as such, — viz. with broad
cheeks, and sallow complexions, — by Northmen who
knew the SkraBlingers, or Esquimaux race, in Green-
land. But we are told the Esquimaux race extended
once much farther south, beyond Newfoundland and
the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and as far south as we please
to have them. It is as easy to tell us that once the
juice of the grape would intoxicate without the vinous
fermentation, — that wheat would grow without being
sown, — and that a barn, or more properly a kiln-barn,
might be found in a land without dwelling-houses.
All the geographical knowledge that can be drawn
from the accounts of the natural products of Vinland
in these eight chapters, points clearly to the Labrador
coast, or Newfoundland, or some places north of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence. The terror of the Skraelingers
at the bellowing of Karlsefne's bull points rather to
an island people, as the natives of Prince Edward's
Island, or of Newfoundland ; for a continental people
in that part of America could not be strangers to the
much more formidable bisson, or musk ox, or buffalo.
The piece of massur-wood from Vinland, which Karl-
sefne sold to a Bremen merchant for half a mark of
gold, must have derived its value either from its in-
trinsic worth or beauty as wood or dye-wood, or as a
stick coming from a distant unknown land. In the
latter case the kind or quality of the wood, and
whether it grew south or north, were circumstances
of no consequence to the buyer : it was a curiosity
Chap. V.
170 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, from an unknown land. In the former case, Karl-
sefne must be supposed to have gone to Honduras to
cut his broomstick. The maple, or whatever wood
for furniture grows more to the north in America, is
not more beautiful than birch wood or other European
wood. If it had been logwood, fustic, mahogany,
that was meant by massur-wood, it would be a proof
that the saga- writer was drawing upon his own ima-
gination in the details of his account of Karlsefne ; for
vines and wheat growing spontaneously, mahogany
trees or dye-woods, and Esquimaux in skin- canoes
trading with sable skins and grey skins, and furs
described to be white or all grey — "gravara ok salvali
ok allskonar skinnavara,'' and " algra skinn " — never
met in one locality : for the former are products of
a very southern latitude, and the people and ani-
mals described belong to a northern climate. The
account of the time from land to land in the voyages
of Biorne, Leif, or Karlsefne, leads to no satisfactory
result as to the land they came to ; because we neither
know their rate of sailing in a day, nor whether by a
day's sailing they meant sailing day and night, or
that they took down and stowed their great square-
sail at night, and lay-to with a little try-sail aft tiU
daylight, as similarly rigged vessels on the fishing
banks do at the present day. The lying-to all night,
as they were in an unknown sea, was the better sea-
manship, and we may suppose it was their way of
sailing. In their ordinary voyages they appear always
to have put up their tent-cloths at night, brought
their vessel to the land or to an anchor, and to have
gone to rest, leaving only a watch on deck. It is
usually mentioned in the saga when they sail night
and day, as a special circumstance. It does not ap-
pear probable they Avould run with all sail in the
night through an unknown sea; and if they took down
sail at night, and lay-to in the gulf stream, all con-
KINGS OF NORWAY.
171
jecture founded on the number of days' sailing from
Hellaland to Markland, or from Markland to Vin-
land, is quite arbitrary, and without guide. The de-
scription of the land is equally unsatisfactory as a
means of discovering the localities in Vinland they
visited, without more precise data. A country of
stony soil, with little vegetation among the slaty
fragments that cover it, applies to all the country
from Hudson's Bay to Newfoundland ; and Hellaland,
so called from this circumstance, is a name that Avould
suit any part of Labrador as well as Newfoundland.
Markland, so called because low or level, and covered
with thick forests, as a description may be applied to
any part of America as well as to Nova Scotia. An
island with a sound between it and the main, or a low
shore with remarkably white sand cliffs and shallow
water, a fiord or inlet of the sea, a river running out
of a lake, a bay between two headlands, one of them
of a conspicuous figure, are good landmarks for
identifying a country of which the position is known,
but are good for nothing as data for fixing that po-
sition itself; because these are features common to all
sea coasts, and, on a small or great scale, to be found
within every hundred miles of a run along the sea-
board of a country. It is evident from the personal
adventures ascribed by the saga-maker to the person-
ages, that the details are imaginary, and only the ge-
neral outline true. The revival of Thorstein Ericson's
body, and its prophesying what was to befal Gudrid
in her lifetime, are within the ordinary belief of those
times, and therefore do not lessen the confidence in
other circumstances related; nor the appearance to
her alone of another Gudrid, who spoke Norse to her
in Vinland, and whom nobody else saw. But the
adventures of Freydisa, her murder of the two bro-
thers, thirty men, and the women, is an improbable,
not to say an impossible circumstance ; as her thirty-
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. V.
172 CHRONICLE OF THE
ms^sS'. fi^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ motive for such a butchery of their
^- — comrades, in a country in which they needed all their
strength for their safety, and for the objects of their
voyage. All the details seem merely the filling up
of imagination, to make a story of a main fact, the
discovery of Yinland by certain personages, whose
names, and the fact of their discovering unknown
lands south-west of Greenland, are alone to be
depended upon.
But^ twof acts are stated by our modern antiquaries,
which are held to be quite conclusive as to the locality
in America discovered by the Icelanders. One is, that
in the details of Leif 's voyage and residence in Yin-
land^ it is stated that on the shortest day the sun was
above the horizon from half-past seven o'clock in the
morning to half-past four o'clock in the afternoon, or
nine hours, which gives the latitude of the place 41°
24' 10'^, and which brings it to between Seaconnet
Point in 41° 26', and Judith Point in 4V 23', aud
which two points form the entrance into Mount Hope
Bay; which corresponds, even to the name Hop or
Hope, jvvith_ tie. description of a river, now called the
Taunton, running from a lake into the sea, and with
all the otlier landmarks or accounts of the appearance
of the coast given in the saga. The other fact, not
less striking, is, that in this very neighbourhood, — viz.
at Assonet Point, on the shore of the river Taunton^
in latitude 41° 44', near the town of Berkley in the
district of Massachusetts, — a stone covered with
Runic inscriptions is still to be seen, and is known by
the name of the D eight on Writing (written) Ei^ckj and
was an object of curiosity to the early English settlers
as far back as 1680. These two happy coincidences
are so happy — so like finding a box, and, 800 years
afterwards, finding the key that of all the keys in the
world can alone open it — that people almost doubt,
at the first hearing of it, whether the news be not too
KINGS OF NORWAY. 173
good to be true. The first question that arises to J^l^;^^-
the doubtins; reader is, how, in Leif Ericson's time, — ^ — ^,
that is, about the year 1000, when Christianity was
scarcely introduced, and church festivals, church time,
and the knowledge and prayers of churchmen un-
known,— did the Icelanders divide time? The whole
circle of the horizon appears to have been divided by
them into four quarters, each subdivided into two,
making eight divisions, or attir (from which our old
word airths, applied to the winds, seems derived) ; and
these eight watches, each of three of our hours, made
up the day, which we divide into 24 parts. It was
not until 120 years after Leif 's voyage, viz. in 1123,
that Bishop Thorlak established in Iceland a code of
church regulations or laws, by which time was more
minutely ascertained for church prayers and observ-
ances. For all secular business, among a seafaring and
labouring population, the division of time into eight
watches was sufficiently minute for all their practical
purposes. Now the saga says, " Sol havdi thar Eyktar-
stad ok Dagmalastad um skamdegi ; " which clearly
means that, on the shortest day, they had the sun in the
watches called the Dagmalastad and the Eyktarstad ;
that the sun rose in the former, and set in the latter,
and not as in Iceland, where the rising and setting were,
on the shortest day, included in one watch. The
Dagmalastad was the watch immediately before the
mid-day watch (Middegi), and the Eyktarstad that
immediately after. Now if we reckon from noon, the
middle of the mid- day watch, it would begin at half-
past ten o'clock of our time, and end at half-past one
o^clock ; Dagmalastad would begin at half-past seven,
and end at half-past ten; and Eyktarstad begin at
half-past one, and end at half- past four in the after-
noon. Now if the sun rose any time within the
Dagmalastad, and set any time within the Eyktarstad
Avatch, — that is to say, any time between half-past
174
CHRONICLE OF THE
Chap. V.
PRELIM, seven and half-past ten for its rising, and any time
between half-past one and half-past four of our time
for its setting/ — it would answer all the conditions of
the text of the saga, which merely says they had the
sun in these watches, not during the whole of these
watches ; and the precision of ideas and expression
which characterises the Icelanders would undoubtedly
have expressed, if that had been the meaning, that
the sun rose at the beginning of Dagmalastad, and set
at the end of Eyktarstad. TorfaBus, certainly not
inferior in j udgment and knowledge to any antiquary
of our times, and who, as a contemporary and friend,
had on every doubtful point the opinion of Arne
Magnaeus, the first Icelandic antiquary who has ever
appeared, makes out, from the same text, that the sun
may be considered to have been above the horizon
from the middle of Dagmalastad to the middle of Eyk-
tarstadt, — that is, for about six hours, — which would
correspond to a latitude of 49° instead of 41°; and
he, and Arne Magnaeus we may presume with him,
bring Vinland to some place in Newfoundland, or in
the Saint Lawrence, which certainly would agree better
with the description of the people and products, ex-
cepting the ready-made wine, the spontaneous wheat,
and the fine wood, than Taunton river in Massachusetts.
With regard to the Deighton Written Rock, upon
which so much has been built in vast and expensive
publications, such as the " Antiquitates Americanae "
(Hafniae, 1837), and other works, the following ob-
servations may lead to a true estimate of its historical
value. The rock or stone is a boulder or transported
mass, not a stone belonging to the ground rock of the
country. It is about 11^ feet long by 5^ feet high,
running up to an edge, and the surface, or side on
which the Runic inscription is found, sloping at an
angle of 60° from its base. It is one of that class of
detached masses of primary rock scattered over the
KINGS OF NORWAY.
175
whole northern hemisphere of our globe — the evi-
dences of some vast convulsion beyond human know-
ledge or conjecture. Whoever has examined this class
of stones must have observed that it is almost a cha-
racteristic, distinguishing them from fixed ground rock
of similar formation, that they are more interspersed
with black or greenish veins or marks of a different
substance from the component parts of the rock, and,
in short, with lines which often assume the appearance
of sea- weed or other fossil plant, enclosed in the cry-
stallised matrix of the stone, but which are in reality
small veins, or rather lines of chlorite. The Runic
inscription at Runamoe, in Bleking in Sweden, which,
from the days of Saxo Grammaticus to the present
times, was considered to be an inscription of real but
unintelligible letters on the ground rock, and which
antiquaries but a few years ago supposed they had
deciphered, and actually published their explanation
of it, is now discovered, and admitted, to be nothing
but veins of one substance interspersed in another.
Chemistry settled the historical value of this Runic
inscription. The Deighton Written Rock would per-
haps be the better of a certificate from the mineral-
ogist, as well as the antiquary. Supposing it beyond
all doubt a stone with artificial characters, letters, or
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. V,
No. 1.
176
CHRONICLE OF THE
Chav. V.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 177
figures inscribed upon it, the first question that occurs P^|,y^
to every inquirer must be, what is there to prove that
these marks are the work of the Northmen, and not
of the natives, or of the first European settlers about
the year 1620 ? The stone, of which No. 1. is a de-
lineation (No. 2. is a copy of the marks or inscription
in 1790, and No. 3. in 1830), bears nothing to show by
whom, or when, the marks in question were scratched
upon it. The native tribes of America, the Hottentots,
even the natives of Australia, according to Captain
Gray's narrative of his travels, have a propensity to
delineate rude figures and marks upon the sides of
caves and remarkable rocks, to indicate that they have
been there, and even to show their tribe, numbers,
and the direction they have taken. This stone is, by
the description, quite tempting to indulge the propen-
sity common to all men, savage or civilised, to leave
some mark after them of their having existed; for it
is said to be conspicuous from its position, flat sur-
face, and different texture from the common rock of
the country around.* It is evident, on referring to
* '' The Deighton stone is a fine-grained greywakke, and the rock of
the neighbourhood a large conglomerate. It is situated 6^ miles south
of Taunton, on the Taunton river, a few feet from the shore, and is
covered with water at flood tide, on the west side of Assonet Point, in
the town of Berkley, county of Bristol, and state of Massachusetts, and
in a parish or district called Deighton. The marks are described as
' showing no method in the arrangement of them.' The lines are from
half an inch to an inch in width, and in depth sometimes one-third of
an inch, though in general very superficial. They were, inferring from
the rounded elevations and intervening depressions, pecked in upon the
rock, and not chiselled or smoothly cutout." — (^Communication of the
Rhode Island Historical Society to the Society of Northern Antiquaries
at Copenhagen, 1830.) Other rocks, similarly marked with rude hiero-
glyphics, or figures of animals, are found in various parts of the interior
of America, far from the coast, — as on the Alleghany river, the Con-
necticut river, about Lake Erie, on Cumberland river, about Rock-
castle Creek, — and similar, as sculptured work, to the Deighton stone.
Are these too memorials of Thorfinn Karlsefne, left in Vinland by his
party of woodcutters } or are they the rude memorials of the wandering
Indians, left, if they have a meaning, to show those of their own tribe
who may follow that they have been on the spot some time before ?
VOL. I. N
Chap. V.
178 CHRONICLE OF THE
ms^ERT ^^' ^' ^^^ ^^' ^•' *^^^ there is no sequence of letters,
either Runic or Roman, upon the Deighton Written
Rock, but only detached unconnected marks, belonging
to any people or period one may please to fancy.
What is there to prove that these are not the scratches
of some idle sailor boy, or of some master Deighton
of the first settlers in 1620 ? Every Runic inscrip-
tion given by Olaus Wormius, in his " Literatura
Runica," is in regular columns of letters from right
to left, or from top to bottom, or going round the stone ;
but still in regular rows, letter after letter. Here
all the scratches are detached marks, such as a child
would make on the smooth side of a stone, mthout
meaning. The only semblance to letters is in the
middle of the stone, in which antiquaries discover the
name of Thorfinn.— -viz. Thorfinn Knrl sefne^ theleader
of the expedition. In the older copy (No. 2. of the
inscription) we see a lozenge-shaped mark, a Roman
letter R, a stroke, and a triangular mark. In the
later copy of 1830 (No. 3.), the lozenge has got a tail
to it, and the Roman letters RFIN are distinct. The
first copy was taken in 1790, by Dr. Baylie and Mr.
Godwin ; the latter in 1830, by the Rhode Island
Historical Society. Both copies coincide ; except that
the figure of a cock, and of some animal apparently,
and some unintelligible marks delineated in the older,
have in the course of forty years become obUterated,
and are not given in the later copy. But by some
strange process, although it is one not at all uncommon
in stones that have attracted the antiquary's notice, the
thing sought for — the letters of the word Thorfinn
— has in the course of the forty years gained won-
derfully in distinctness, instead of becoming obliter-
ated or less legible. Let any one look at the upper
copy (No. 2.), and make out, if he can, any thing
approaching to the word Thorfinn, except a lozenge
and R, such as one may see on a box or package in
Chap. V.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 179
a ship's cargo; but let him look at No. 3. — the copy ^fj^jj^;
taken since the Icelandic origin of the inscription was
broached, — and there to be sure he will see without
spectacles a lozenge mth a tail, and the Roman letters
FINZ, making Thorfinz. In the tables of the various
forms of Eunic letters given by Wormius, in his
" Literatura Runica," there is no such lozenge-shaped
letter to express Th or Tho ; but as in many districts
Runic letters appear to have had different shapes
from those used in other parts, this circumstance is of
little importance. The letter R may have been com-
mon to both alphabets, the Roman and Runic : the
letters FIN are decidedly Roman ; so that in this
Runic inscription there is but one letter that may
possibly be Runic, if it be a letter at all, and the
rest are all Roman characters. In both copies, just
over the lozenge letter, is a mark, also in Roman cha-
racters, which may be N A, or MA; the letter A being
formed by the last branch of the M. Either will do ;
because, if it be NA, it may be part of the word
Landnam ; and if it be M A, it will surely be part of
the word Madr : and Landnammadr signifies the first
settler of a country, — the origines gentis, — and is
so used to denote the original settlers in Iceland, of
whom the Landnamma Saga treats. Close to this
NA, in both copies, are marks of three tens and a
one, in Roman numerals, viz. XXXL; and before the
first is something like a Greek gamma, but which may
possibly be intended for a Roman C. Now if this
Roman C be intended for a hundred, it would not be
for a Roman hundred or centum of five score, but a
long hundred of six score, by which the Icelanders
always counted ; and CXXXI. would in reality mean
151, not 131. Now, Karlsefne had lost nine of his
original party, who had gone northwards under
Thorhall; and this number 9 added to the 151 so
clearly and satisfactorily made out on the stone, just
N 2
180 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, makes up the 160 men, the ori2:inal number of Land-
DISSERT. -'• ' o
nammen of Yinland who embarked with Karlsefne.
It would be puerile to dwell on such puerilities. To
believe that Thorfinn Karlsefne, or any of his party,
was acquainted not only with the Runic and Eoman
letters, but with the Roman numerals, yet without
knowing the use of those numerals, and the number
of units they express ; and should leave a Runic in-
scription, as it is called, without a Runic letter in it,
and so rude as to show — if the marks are letters at
all, and not merely scratches, marks, or initials, made
at various times by various hands — a complete igno-
rance of the collocation of letters in a row so as to
form words, and a complete ignorance of the value
of the Roman numerals he was using, — would require
the antiquarian credulity of a Jonathan Oldbuck.
The northern antiquaries are misled in their specu-
lations about Yinland by the singular case of the
ancient Greenland colony. By the rarest coincidence
of new and old colonisation, a kind of double evidence
has come out to prove the veracity of the saga accounts
of that old Icelandic colony. First is the documentary
evidence of the saga, bearing no inconsistency or inter-
nal evidence of deviation from truth, and supported by
collateral documentary evidence^ from Adam of Bremen
and other writers of the 11th and 12th centuries in-
cidentally mentioning Greenland and its bishops, and
which is evidence precisely similar in kind to the
documentary evidence relative to Vinland. ^But a
second mass and kind of evidence substantiating the
first has come out in our times^ by the discovery in
Greenland of remains of buildings, churches, and of
inscriptions and other material proofs, corroborating
the documentary proofs of the existence and state of
this ancient colony in Greenland given in the sagas.
Our modern antiquaries want to substantiate the
documentary evidence of the saga relative to Yinland
KINGS OF NORWAY. 181
DISSERT.
Chap. V.
by a similar kind of material evidence to be discovered JPRJLm
in America, without considering that the cases are
totally distinct and different. "^Greenland was_a_cQkmy
with communications, trade^ civil and._e££lfisiastical
establishments, and a considci'iiljlc |)(j|)uIation^_f<Qr 300
years at least before it was lost sight of. Vinland
was only visited by flying parties of wood-cutters,
remainiiiii; at the utmost two or three winters, but
never settling there permanently as colonists, nor as
far as can be seen from the sagas, with any intention of
settling. No division and occupation of the land, no
agricultural preparations are mentioned. Cattle they
would have taken for milk, or food probably, at any
rate, as salt to preserve meat must have been scarce
in Greenland, where it could only be obtained by eva-
porating sea-water. Cattle taken with them, if the
circumstance be true, are the only indication of any
intention to settle ; and a settlement or colony was
not established. Three winters are the longest period
any of these wood-cutting parties staid in Yinland.
To expect here, as in Greenland, material proofs to
corroborate the documentary proofs, is weakening the
latter by linking them to a sort of evidence which,
from the very nature of the case, — the temporary visits
of a ship's crew, — cannot exist in Yinland, and, as in
the case of Greenland, come in to support them. It
would be quite as judicious and consistent with sound
principle of investigation to go to New Zealand, or
the Sandwich Isles, to search for material proofs (old
shoes, cocked hats, or pen-knives) of Captain Cook's
having visited those places, and to link the docu-
mentary proofs of his discoveries to the authenticity
of the material proofs — of the old shoes, cocked hats,
and pen-knives — left by him on those shores. This is
precisely the kind of investigation and reasoning, with
regard to the discovery of Vinland by the Northmen,
which antiquaries are pursuing ; and to be sure it
N 3
Chap. V.
182 CHRONICLE OF THE
ms^mrr ^^^^ ^^^^ them into laughable discoveries — quite as
ridiculous as that of the Runic inscription on the
Deighton Writing Stone, or as Oldbuck's Roman Prae-
torium on the Kaim of Kinprunes. Here is another
sj)ecimen of the development of the imaginative fa-
culty among antiquaries.
In the town of Newport, near to the south end of
Rhode Island, stands the circular stone-work of an old
windmill, of about 18 feet in diameter mthin walls,
and raised upon eight pillars of about 7 feet high and
5 to 6 feet apart, arched over so as to admit carts to
come under the floor of the mill, and the corn-sacks to
be hoisted up or lowered down through a hatch in the
wooden floor above. This is the ordinary plan in
large well-arranged windmills, as it takes the horses
and carts out of the way of the mngs of the mill, and
of the lever on the ground by which the moveable
wooden superstructure or head of the mill was for-
merly turned to the wind. The pillars supported the
beams of the floor ; and windows and a fireplace, cor-
responding to the floor or platform of the mill, are in
the wall, which is about 24 feet high, built of rough
stone very substantially, and with lime-mortar, and
has been harled or roughcast mth lime. The situ-
ation is at the summit, or nearly so, of the principal
eminence in the neighbourhood, open to the sea
breezes, and with no out-walls or any thing near it
to intercept the wind. It is universally called by tlie
inhabitants of the neighbourhood " the old stone mill."
These are pretty good proofs that the building has
been a mill ; but there is also documentary proof of
it. Rhode Island was first settled by the English in
1636, and two years afterwards (1638) Newport and
the south end were occupied. In 1678, that is forty
years afterwards, Benedict Arnold, who appears to
have been governor of the settlement at one time, in
his last will and testament calls this very building his
KINGS OF NORWAY. 18
9
DISSERT.
Chap. V.
stone mill. This is not all. One of the first settlers, l^^];^];
a Mr. Peter Easton, had the laudable custom of mark-
ing in his pocket-book whatever notable event oc-
curred in his township; and under the year 1663 he
makes the memorandum, " This year we built the first
windmill." Now we have here, first, the documentary
evidence of Governor Arnold's will, calling it, in 1678,
his stone mill, and bequeathing it as such; and of
Mr. Peter Easton's pocket-book, giving posterity the
information that ^' the first windmill in the township
was built in 1663 ;" and as they could scarcely have
required two mills at once if they had none before,
we may fairly presume that the mill built in 16'63
was that bequeathed in 1678. And, secondly, we have
the material proof of the building, with its modern
walls, built with mortar of lime and sand, and harled,
and with a chimney-place, windows, and beam sup-
ports for a mill platform or floor, being altogether fit
for and on the plan of a mill, and of nothing else,
and its situation also being adapted for that purpose ;
and the only name given to it by the neighbouring
inhabitants being " the old stone mill." Don Quixote
himself could not have resisted such evidence of this
having been a windmill. But those sly rogues of
Americans dearly love a quiet hoax. With all gravity
they address a solemn communication to the Eoyal
Society of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen, re-
specting these interesting remains of " a structure
bearing an antique appearance" — '' a building pos-
sibly of the ante-Columbian times " — " a relic, it may
be, of the Northmen, the first discoverers of Yinland ! "
After describing the situation of the mill, they go on
to say, that this ''dilapidated structure" has long
attracted the attention of the numerous strangers who
come in the fine season, from all parts of the Union,
to enjoy the sea-bathing and pure air of Newport,
and they often question the inhabitants concerning its
N 4
Chap. V.
184 CHRONICLE OF THE
PRELIM, origin ; but the only answer they receive is, that it
has always been known by the name of " the old stone
mill." It has excited the most lively interest among
the learned in those parts, and many conjectures have
been hazarded about its origin and object; but these,
say the wags, with great solemnity of phrase, " are
shrouded with mystery ; " and all that can be learned
from the inhabitants is, that as long as people can
remember it has been called ^' the old stone mill/'
But whether this structure could have been built for
a mill, although no doubt it is so well adapted for a
mill that it may have been used for such purpose at
some period, is matter of grave doubt to many ; because
no similar building, of old or new date, for any pur-
pose, exists in the neighbourhood, or in all the coun-
try. They send, along with their communication
concerning this interesting structure of the original
Scandinavian discoverers of Yinland in the 11th cen-
tury, drawings of the exterior and interior, a ground
plan and an elevation of the old stone mill ; all which
they submit to the consideration of the Royal Society
of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen. It must be
allowed that these Rhode Island wags have played off
their joke with admirable dexterity. They conceal
nothing that fixes the building to have been beyond
all doubt a mill ; neither the name it has always gone
by, — nor its windmill plan and site, — nor its modern
walls built with lime and sand, and roughcast, — nor
General Arnold's will calling it his stone mill, — nor
Mr. Peter Easton's memorandum of the year in which
it was built ; but they cunningly keep all these circum-
stances in the background, and bring to the front " the
dilapidated structure," — " the wonder of strangers
from all parts of the United States," — " the structure
bearing an antique appearance," — its origin and use
" shrouded with mystery," — '' but possibly ante-
Columbian," — "a remain, possibly, of the Scandi-
KINGS OF NORWAY.
185
navian discoverers of Yinland in the 11th century."
The bait took ; and no doubt these comical fellows at
Newport are chuckling in their club-room at seeing
their '' old stone mill" figuring in the Annals of the
Northern Antiquarian Society, with arches and pillars
like a Grecian temple. It is only when one comes,
compass in hand, to a scale of feet and inches, that
one finds this magnificent structure, with pillars and
arches, and of which an exterior and interior view is
given in the Annals of the Antiquarian Society of
Copenhagen, is in reality the bottom of a mill of the
very ordinary size of 18 feet within walls, standing
on pillars 6 or 7 feet high and 5 or 6 feet apart, and
arched over, — like to and on the scale of the pillars
and arches of a cart- shed, or a horse-course of a
thrashing-mill, instead of a structure, as the plates,
of which no less than three are given, would lead you
to believe, on the plan of the Coliseum, and of the
size of the Temple of Vesta. This is very amusing ;
but it is not quite so amusing to have to pay heavy
prices for magnificent books, got up in two or three
languages, superb in size, paper, and type, decorated
with fac-simile specimens of the writing of illuminated
beautifully executed saga manuscripts, illustrated with
splendid copper-plates, and published in the name and
under the auspices of a great and learned antiquarian
society ; and to find you have been paying gold for
such oldwifery as this Deighton writing rock and
Newport old stone mill. It would, in fact, be difficult
to point out any fact or observation of value relative
to the discovery of Yinland which has not been
brought to light and weighed by Torfaeus, in 1707, in
his little tract on Yinland. Torfasus was an antiqustry
of great judgment. He came first into the field, and
seized upon the only fact with respect to the discovery
of Yinland that there was to seize upon — the docu-
mentary proof, from a manuscript of fixed date, of a
PRELIM.
DISSERT.
Chap. V.
186 CHRONICLE OF THE
DISSERT,
Chap. V.
PRELIM, discovery of Yinland, recorded in writino^ a hundred
DISSKRT. J ^ O
years before Columbus's first voyage ; and that record
known to Columbus, or Columbus in a situation to
know of it, a few years before he undertook that
voyage. Torfa3us left nothing behind to glean with
respect to Yinland of any value in the question of the
discovery of America by the Northmen.
The legend of Gunleif Gunlaugsson, like this saga
of Karlsefne, gives a discovery not unlikely to have
taken place, and much more to the south ; but with
adventures which border on the incredible. It is
contained in the Eyrbiggia Saga. Towards the end
of King Olaf the Saint's time, about 1030, Gunleif, on
his voyage westward from Iceland to Ireland, was
overtaken by a heavy storm from east and north-east,
which drove him far out to sea to the south-west, so
that none of them knew where they were. After
driving about the greater part of the summer they
came to land; but were seized by the natives, who
came in crowds to the vessel, and spoke a language
they did not understand, but it appeared to them
like Irish. They observed that the natives were dis-
puting whether to make slaves of them or put them
to death. In the meantime an old grand-looking
man, with white hair, came riding along, and all the
natives received him with the greatest respect. He
accosted the Icelanders in the Norse tongue, and asked
them if Snorro the Godar (one of the most important
personages in Iceland) was alive still, and his sister
Thuride. He would not tell his name, and forbade his
countrymen to come there again, as the people were
fierce, and attacked strangers, and the country had
no good harbours. He gave them a gold ring to
deliver to Thuride, whom, he said, he liked better than
her brother Snorro, and a sword for Thuride' s son.
Gunleif brought these things home, and people con-
cluded that the man must have been Biorn Breid-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 187
vikingkappe, a scald, who was much respected, and J^^^^iJJ;,
who had fallen in love with Thuride, on which account — ;~
her husband and her brother had persecuted him, and
he had left Iceland in a vessel about the year 998,
and had never afterwards been heard of: " and this
is the only truth known concerning Biorn." This
saga is supposed to have been written or composed in
the beginning of the 13th century ; as it mentions one
Gudney telling him the saga- writer, of taking up and
interring in a church the bones of some of Snorro the
Godar's predecessors, and this Gudney is known to
have died about 1220. The legend has a value inde-
pendent of the truth or falsity of the details. These
are at least improbable. The man could have no
object in concealing his name, which the tokens he
was sending to Iceland would at once reveal, and no
intelligible motive for not returning with his country-
men. But it is valuable, because, wliate3ceiLjiiayJ:ie
the truth of the fillino; up, or even of the main event
of a ,vessel being driven to an unknown land, it shows
an existingj['umour or idea aniong seafaring. men, long
before Columbus's discoveries^ that a. north-east wind
would bring a vessel sailing from IcelandjjQ Tre1anr|
to a new land on the south-west, if she ran before it ;
and not into an uninhabitable region of fire, ^sf, the
Romans appear to have conceived of the world, ^ome
obscure knowledge of a western land must have been
circulating as a foundation for this legend. The White
Man's Land, the Great Ireland, a country in the west
peopled by Christians originally of Ireland, has the
same kind of value of showing that men, either from
the reason in the supposition, which is the most likely,
or from some actual chance discovery, had come to
the conclusion that there was land in the west oppo-
site the shores of Europe ; and it also has the same
kind of worthlessness as the other two legends — that
the details are evidently fictitious and improbable.
188 CHRONICLE OF THE
OF
ST U RLE
SON.
MEMOIR OF SNORRO STURLESON.
MEMOIR Snorro Sturleson was born in the year 1178, at
Hvam, in the present baihwick of Dale, in the western
province of Iceland. His father, Sturla Thordarson,
was a man of consequence, descended from the royal
stock of Odin to which the Northern kings, and all
the great families among the Northmen, traced their
lineage ; and he held by hereditary right the dignity
of a Godar, which in the times of the Odin worship
was hereditary in certain families descended from the
twelve Diars, Drottars, or Godars, who accompanied
Odin from Asagard. The office of Godar appears to
have combined the functions of priest and judge ori-
ginally; and long after the sacerdotal function had
ceased the judicial remained, and was exercised as an
hereditary jurisdiction over the locahty or godard,
even long after the establishment of Christianity.
Snorro was sent in his infancy to John Loptson, of
Odda, to be fostered. It was the custom of the age
for people of consequence to send their children to be
fostered by others, sometimes of higher and sometimes
of lower station ; but always of a station, connection,
or influence that would be of use afterwards to the
foster-child. This fostering was not merely nursing
the child until he was weaned, but implied bringing
him up to the age of manhood ; and the ties of foster-
father, foster-son, and foster-brother, appear to have
been as strong and influential as the natural ties of
blood relationship. The custom has arisen in tur-
bulent times, from the policy of not giving an oppor-
tunity to hereditary enemies to cut oiF an entire
family at one swoop, leaving no heir and avenger,
KINGS OF NORWAY. 189
STUIU^E-
SON.
and of strengthening the family by collateral alliances memoir
through the new ties. We read of many instances of
the kings sending their infants to influential bonders
to be fostered ; by which, no doubt, a great local in-
terest and connection was secured to the foster-child.
In the social state of those ages each family was a
distinct dynasty, beholden for its security to its o^vn
strength in friends and followers, and its own power
to avenge its wrongs, rather than to the guardianship
and force of law. The system of fosterage was a con-
sequence of this social state ; and the custom lingered
in England for a long time in the form of sending
children to be brought up as pages in the families of
distinguished personages. John Loptson appears to
have been a person of more distinction than Snorro's
own father. His grandfather was Saemund hinn
Erode, the contemporary of Are who first committed
the historical sagas to writing ; and Saemund himself
was the compiler of the older Edda. John Loptson's
mother, Thora, was an illegitimate daughter of King
Magnus Barefoot. In such a family, we may pre-
sume the literature of the country would be culti-
vated, and the sagas of the historical events in Nor-
way, and of the transactions of her race of kings,
would be studied with great interest.
One would like to know how people of distinction
in that age lived and were lodged in Iceland ? What
kind of house and housekeeping the daughter of a
king would have there ? We have no positive data
to judge from ; but we may infer from various circum-
stances that this class would be at least as well off as
in Norway; that comparatively the comforts, luxu-
ries, and splendour of life in the poor countries, would
not be so much inferior to those of the rich countries
as in our own days. Sugar, coffee, tea, silks, cotton,
and all foreign articles, were almost equally out of
reach and enjoyment in all the countries of the North.
190 CHRONICLE OF THE
OF
STURLE
SON.
MEMOIR From the natural products, or crops of the land, all
that was enjoyed had to be obtained. Iceland enjoyed
the advantage of more security of property and
person ; and the natural products of Iceland, — fish,
oil, skins, butter, wool, and before the introduction of
cotton as a clothing material, the wadmal, or coarse
woollen cloth manufactured in Iceland, in which rent
and taxes were paid, and which circulated as money
through all the North, and in which even other goods
were valued as a medium of exchange, — would all be
of much higher comparative value than in after ages,
when commerce and manufactures gave people a
greater supply of better and cheaper articles for the
same uses. The market for wood of Norway being
confined to such islands as produced none for building
purposes, the houses would probably be much the
same in size and conveniences as those common
among all classes in Norway, and little more ex-
pensive. The trade of bartering their products for
those of other countries would probably be much
more extensive than now, because their kind of pro-
ducts were much more generally used in other coun-
tries. In Drontheim, Bergen, and Tunsberg, several
merchant vessels at the same time are often spoken of
in the sagas; and Torfseus, in his " Yinlandia, " page
69., mentions a Hrafnus Limiricepeta, so called from
his frequent voyages to Limeric in Ireland — a Li-
meric trader, — who had related to Thorfinn, Earl of
Orkney, some accounts of a Great Ireland in the West-
ern Ocean. In the Fasreyinga Saga, we read of mer-
chants frequenting the Feroe Isles to purchase the
products of the country, and of the people sending
oif cargoes of their wool to Norway. The commercial
intercourse of those times has probably been greater
than we suppose, although dealings were only in the
rude products of one land bartered against those of
another. Matthew Paris tells us of his being at Bergen
KINGS OF NORWAY. 191
STU RLE-
SON.
in the year 1248, and of there being more than 200 memoir
vessels in that port at the same time. The poorer
lands and countries of Europe, and the employment
of their inhabitants, have in fact undergone a great
depreciation in value, and which is still going on, by
the introduction and general diffusion of better ar-
ticles for food, clothing, and enjoyment, from better
climes, and by the diffusion of more refined tastes
and habits than the products of their soil and in-
dustry can gratify. When wadmal, or coarse woollen
cloth, was the ordinary wear ; stock-fish, or salt fish,
in great use even in royal households ; fish oil the
only means in the North for lighting rooms, — the
poorest countries, such as Iceland, Greenland, or the
north of Norway, which produced these, must have
been much more on a par with better countries, such
as Denmark or England, which did not produce them,
and must have been comparatively much better to
live in, and the inhabitants nearer to the general con-
dition of the people of other countries, than they are
now. The daughter of King Magnus Barefoot would
probably be as well lodged, fed, clothed, and attended,
as she would have been in Scotland in that age.
John Loptson died when Snorro was nineteen years
of age. Snorro continued to live with his foster-
brothers, his own father being dead, and his patrimony
inconsiderable and much wasted by his mother. At
twenty-one years of age he married Herdisa, the
daughter of a wealthy priest called Berse, who lived
at Berg, in the bailiwick, of Myre, where he also took
up his abode. He got a considerable fortune with his
wife *, by whom he had several children, but only two
who grew up ; a son called John Murt, and a daughter
called Halbera. He had also several illegitimate chil-
* Four thousand dollars it is reckoned to have been by antiquaries
— a large fortune before silver became plentiful by the discovery of
America.
192 CHRONICLE OF THE
MEMOIR dren ; a son called Uraekia, and a daughter called Inge-
^^son:'^" borg. After being twenty-five years married to Her-
disa, he married, sometime about 1224, she being
still alive, another wife, Halveig, a rich widow, with
whom he got also a large fortune. He quarrelled
with the children of his first wife about their fortunes
to which they were entitled when he parted from their
mother. He was in enmity also with the husbands
of both his daughters, each of whom had been di-
vorced, or had had two husbands ; and these sons-in-
law, and his own brother Sighvat, were the parties who
finally murdered him in their family feud. What is
knoAvn of Snorro Sturleson is derived from an account
of the Sturle family, called the " Sturlunga Saga,"
composed evidently by one of the descendants of the
kinsmen with whom he had been in enmity. His bad
actions are probably exaggerated, and his good con-
cealed. With every allowance, however, for the false
colouring which hatred and envy may have given to
the picture, Snorro appears from it to have been a
man of violent disposition, — greedy, selfish, ambitious,
and under no restraint of principle in gratifying his
avarice and evil passions. He is accused of amassing
great wealth by unjust litigation with his nearest
kindred, and by retaining unjustly the property which
of right belonged to them on his parting with his first
wife ; and of appearing at the Things with an armed
body of 600 or 800 men, and obtaining by force the
leo-al decisions he desired. He is accused also of
having, on his visits to Norway, betrayed the inde-
pendence of his country, and contributed to reduce
Iceland to the state of a province of Norway. It is
probable that much of the vices of the age, and of the
inevitable events in history prepared by causes of
remote origin, is heaped up by the saga-writer on
Snorro' s head. He was clearly guilty of the two
greatest charges which, in a poor country and ig-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 193
OF
STURLE.
SON.
norant age, can be brought against a man — he was memoir
comparatively rich, and comparatively learned. Of
his wealth we are told that he possessed six consi-
derable farms, on which his stock of cattle was so
great that in one year, in which fodder was scarce,
he lost 120 head of oxen, without being seriously
affected by it in his circumstances. He employed
much of his wealth in improving and fortifying his
main residence at Reikholt, to which he had removed
from Berg. At Reikholt he constructed a bathing
room of cut freestone, into which the water from a
warm spring in the neighbourhood was conducted by
a covered drain or pipe. Stone buildings in the North
being rare, this structure was considered magnificent,
and is spoken of as a proof at once of Snorro's wealth
and extravagance. In this age it will rather be consi-
dered a 2^roof that Snorro was a man of habits far more
refined than those of the people around him ; that, tri-
fling as the structure may have been, it shows a mind
of great energy and activity to have executed it, and
of some refinement and improved habits to have felt
the want of accommodations for personal cleanliness
in his house. Snorro's first journey to Norway ap-
pears to have been about the year 1221, when he was
forty-three years of age, and was still married to his
first wife Herdisa. He appears to have come to
Norway on a visit to Earl Hakon Galin, who was
married to Lady Christina, the daughter of King
Sigurd the Crusader. We are told in the Sturlunga
Saga, that Snorro had composed a poem in honour of
the earl, who in return had sent him a sword and a
suit of armour. On his arrival he found that the
earl was dead, and his widow was married again to
Askel, the Lagman of Gotland. He remained the
first winter at the court of King Hakon and Earl
Skule, who then ruled over Norway, and proceeded
in summer to visit Lady Christina, by whom he was
VOL. I. o
194 CHKONICLE OF THE
OF
STURLE-
SON.
MEMOIR ^vell received ; and it may be supposed tliat on this
journey he collected the information relative to former
transactions in Sweden and Denmark, as well as in
Norway, that he gives in his Chronicle. The Lady
Christina was a daughter of King Sigurd the Crusader,
by Malmfrid, a daughter of King Harald of Novogorod,
whose mother was Gyde, a daughter of the English
King Harald, the son of Earl Godwin, who fell at the
battle of Hastings. This Lady Christina appears to
have been married first to Erling Skakke, by whom
she had a son, who was king of Norway, Magnus
Erlingsson, in the middle of whose reign Snorro's
Chronicle ends. She was then married to Earl Hakon
Galin, after whom she married the Lagman AskeL
On his return from this visit Snorro remained two
years with Earl Skule in Norway. It is evident that,
as a chronicler, Snorro Sturleson had thus enjoyed
opportunities of collecting or correcting the accounts
of transactions of former times, which few contempo-
rary writers possessed. He was made a cup-bearer,
or dish-bearer, equivalent to the modern dignity of
chamberlain, by King Hakon ; and is accused by his
enemies of having • entered into a private agreement
with the king and Earl Skule that he should use his
influence to subvert the independence which Iceland
had hitherto enjoyed, and to persuade the Thing to
submit to the government of the King of Norway ;
and that he should be made the king's lenderman, or
even earl over the country, in reward of this service.
Whatever may have been Snorro Sturleson's ambition
or want of principle, no grounds for this charge ap-
pear in liis life. The subjection of Iceland to the
crown of Norway was, on the contrary, carried into
effect two years after his murder by his personal
enemies ; and the event may rather be considered the
inevitable result of the changes which had taken place
in the social condition, military spirit, and arrange-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 195
OF
STURLE.
SON.
ments and relative importance of different countries, memoir
about the middle of tlie ISth century, than the conse-
quence of any conspiracy or treachery. Snorro re-
turned to Eeikholt, and, divorcing his first wife, mar-
ried his second wife, for the sake, it is alleged, of her
large fortune, and became the richest, and probably
the most unhappy man of his day, in Iceland. He
was involved in disputes and lawsuits with his sons
and his wife's family, who appear to have had just
and legal claims to their shares of the properties
which he continued to keep in his own possession.
He appears to have visited Norway once, if not twice
again, before or about the year 1237, and to have
attached himself to the party of Duke Skule, who had
claims on the succession to the crown of Norway. In
1237, Snorro returned to Iceland, and Duke Skule
assumed the title of king at Drontheim, in opposition
to his son-in-law, King Hakon Hakonson ; but in the
following year he and his son were slain. Snorro
Sturleson, as a friend or adherent of Duke Skule, was
declared a traitor by King Hakon. As the king's
chamberlain, he might in that age, although not a
Norwegian subject, be considered a traitor. Letters
from the kino^ were issued to his enemies to brino'
him prisoner to Norway, or to put him to death ; and
on this authority his relations, with whom he was in
enmity in a family feud, — his three sons-in-law, Gissur,
Kolbein, and Arne, — came by night, in September
1241, to his residence at Reikholt, and murdered him
in the 63rd year of his age. The same party, two
years afterwards, brought Iceland under subjection
to the crown of Norway. It seems unjust to throw
upon the memory of Snorro Sturleson, as far as the
circumstances can be made out, the imputation of
having sought to betray the independence of his
country, when no overt act of his appears to have
tended to that result, and when his enemies, who
o 2
196 CHRONICLE OF THE
MEMOIR assassinated him, and from whom alone any account
^^son!^' of his life proceeds, were avowedly the parties who
brought it about. But it cannot be denied that their
accounts, and even their enmity, prove that Snorro
has been a man unjust to and hated by his family, —
selfish, rapacious, and without restraint from principle
or natural affection.
The judgment for posterity to come to probably is,
that Snorro Sturleson, and even his relations who
murdered him, were rather a type of the age in which
they lived, than individuals particularly prominent
for wickedness in that age. The moral influences of
Christianity had not yet taken root among the North-
men, while the rude virtues of their barbarous pagan
forefathers were extinct. The island of Iceland had
never contained above sixty-three or sixty-four thou-
sand inhabitants — the population of an ordinary town.
The providing of food, fuel, and of winter provender
for their cattle, and such employments, have necessarily
at all times occupied a much greater proportion of the
population than in more favoured climes. The en-
terprising, energetic, and restless spirits found occu-
pation abroad in the roving viking expeditions of the
Norwegians, for the Icelanders themselves fitted out
no viking expeditions ; while the equally ambitious,
but more peaceful and cultivated, appear to have
acquired property and honour, as scalds, in no incon-
siderable number. But the rise of the Hanseatic
League, and the advance of the south and west of
Europe in civilisation, trade, and naval power, had
extinguished the vikings on the sea. They were no
longer, in public estimation, exercising an allowable or
honourable profession ; but were treated as common
robbers, and punished. The diffusion of Christianity,
and of a lettered clergy over the Scandinavian penin-
sula, had in the same age superseded the scalds, even
as recorders of law or history. The scald, with his
KINGS OF NORWAY. 197
OF
STU RLE-
SON.
saga and his traditional verses, gave way at once before memoir
the clerk, with his paper, pen, and ink. Both occu-
pations— that of the viking and of the scald — fell as
it were at once, and in one generation, — in the end of
the 12th and beginning of the 13th century; and the
wild, unquiet, ambitious spirits, in the small Icelandic
population, which were formerly absorbed by them,
were thrown back into their native island, and there,
like tigers shut up together in a den, they preyed on
or worried each other. In Scandinavia itself the
same causes produced in that age the same effects.
The Birkebeiners and the Baglers, who, from the
middle of Magnus Erlingsson's reign, raised their
leaders alternately to the Norwegian crown, were in
reality the vikings, driven from the seas to the forests,
— were the daring, the idle, the active of society, who
could find no living or employment in the ordinary
occupations of husbandry, which were preoccupied by
the ordinary agricultural population, nor in the few
branches of manufacture or commerce then exercised
as means of subsistence ; and whose former occupations
of piracy at sea, or marauding expeditions on land
under foreign vikings, was cut off by the progress of
Christian influences on conduct, — of the power of law,
and of the naval, mxilitary, and commercial arrange-
ments in all other countries. The employments and
means of living peaceably were not increased so rapidly,
as the employment given by private warfare on sea
and land had been put down ; and in all Europe there
was an overpopulation, in proportion to the means of
earning a peaceful livelihood, which produced the
most dreadful disorders in society. This was probably
the main cause of the unquiet, unsettled state of every
country, from the 11th century to the 15th. The
Crusades even appear to have been fed not more by
fanaticism, than by this want of employment at home
in every country. Law and social order were begin-
o 3
198 CHRONICLE OF THE
MEMOIR ning to prevail, and to put down private wars, and
sTui^LE- -^Ijq claim of every petty baron to garrison his robber
nest and pillage the weak ; but this growing security
had not advanced so far that trade and manufacture
could absorb, and give a living to, the men not wanted
in agricultural and thrown out of military employ-
ment. It takes a long time, apparently, before those
tastes and habits of a nation on which manufactures
and commerce are founded, can be raised. Society
was in a transition state. The countries which took
but little part in the Crusades, — such as Scotland,
Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and this little population
of Iceland, — and which had no outlet for the unquiet
spirits reared in private wars or piracy, present a
deplorable state of society for many generations. A
bad, unquiet, cut-throat spirit, was transmitted to
succeeding generations, and kept those countries in
a half-barbarous state to a much later period than the
other countries which had got rid of a prior turbulent
generation in the Crusades. The Sturlunga Saga, or
account of Snorro and his family, contains httle else
but a recital of private feuds in Iceland, — of murders,
burning of houses, treachery, and a social disorganis-
ation among this handful of people, which might well
excuse Snorro Sturleson if he had wished and at-
tempted to obtain the common benefit of all social
union — the security of life and property — by the
surrender of a nominal independence, but a real
anarchy, into the hands of a government strong
enough to make laws respected.
Snorro Sturleson must be measured, not by our
scale of moral and social worth, but by the scale of
his own times. Measured by that scale, he will be
ju.dged to have been a man of great but rough energy
of mind, — of strong selfishness, rapacity, and passions
unrestrained by any moral, religious, or social con-
sideration,— a bold, bad, unprincipled man, of intcl-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 199
OF
STURLE-
SON.
lectual powers and cultivation far above any of memoir
his contemporaries whose literary productions have
reached us, — a specimen of the best and worst in the
characters of men in that transition-age from bar-
barism to civilisation, — a type of the times, — a man
rough, wild, vigorous in thought and deed, like the
men he describes in his Chronicle.
How, it may fairly be asked, could a work of such
literary merit as the translator claims for Snorro
Sturleson's Chronicle, have lain hid so long from
English readers, and have been valued, even on the
Continent, only by a few antiquaries in search, of
small facts connected with Danish history ? The
Heimskringla has been hardly used by the learned
men of the period in which it was first published.
It appeared first in the literary world in 1697, frozen
into the Latin of the Swedish antiquary Peringskiold.
A Swedish translation, indeed, as well as a Latin, ac-
companied the Icelandic text; but the Swedish lan-
guage was then, and is now, scarcely more known
than the Icelandic in the fields of European literature.
Modern Latin, or Latin applied to subjects beyond its
own classical range, is a very imperfect medium for
conveying realities to the mind, and, like algebra,
presents only equivalents for things or words, — not
the living words and impressions themselves. It may
be an advantage in science, law, metaphysics, to work
with the dead terms of a dead fixed language ; but in
all that addresses itself to the fancy, taste, or sym-
pathy of men, the dead languages are dead indeed,
and do not convey ideas vividly to the mind like the
words of a living tongue belonging to existing realities.
Conceive Shakspeare translated into Latin, or Schiller,
or Sir Walter Scott ! Would the scholar the most
versed in that language have the slightest idea of
those authors, or of their merits ? About the time
also when Peringskiold published the Heimskringla,
o 4
200 CHRONICLE OF THE
MEMOIR antiquarian researcli was, and still continues to be, the
^^soK^" pi'incipal literary occupation of the educated classes in
Sweden and Denmark, and that which led, more than
any other branch of literature, to distinction and
substantial reward from government. Peringskiold,
Torfaeus, Arne Magnusen, Schoning, and many other
antiquaries of great learning, research, and talent in
their own antiquarian pursuits, dug for celebrity in
this mine of the Heimskringla, and generally threw
away the sterling ore to bring home the worthless
pebble. Dates were determined, localities ascertained,
royal genealogies put to rights, — the ancestor of the
Danish dynasty proved, to the satisfaction of all men,
to have been a descendant of Odin called Skiold, and
not Dan, — and a great deal of such learned dust was
raised, swept into a heap, and valued as dust of gold ;
but the historical interest, the social condition, the
political institutions of the Northmen, as delineated in
the Heimskringla, were not laid before the public by
those great antiquaries : and possibly these were sub-
jects of which they could not safely treat. These
profound scholars, so laboriously and successfully oc-
cupied, appear to have forgotten altogether, in their
zeal to do each other justice, and amidst the compli-
ments they were interchanging on their own merits,
that there was a Snorro Sturleson entitled to his share
in the honours. His work was treated as some of the
classics have been by their learned commentators —
the text overwhelmed, buried, and forgotten, under
annotations and unimportant explanations of it. It
is pleasing to observe how the natural taste of a people
selects what is good in their literature, what is adapted
to the mind of all, with more just tact than even the
educated classes among them. While the merit of
Snorro was hid from the educated under a mass of
learned rubbish, the people both in Norway and Den-
mark had a true feeling for it; and in 1594 a trans-
KINGS OF NOEWAY. 201
lation into Danish of parts of the Heimskringla * memoir
was pubhshed in Denmark by Mortenssen. In 1599 ^'^^(fiJ;^'
a priest, Peter Claussen, — himself as wild a man-
slaying priest as the priest Thangbrand, or any other
of the rough energetic personages in the work of
Snorro, — translated the Heimskringla for the be-
nefit of his countrymen in Norway, the language of
Snorro having become obsolete, or at least obscure,
even to the Norwegian peasantry. His translation
was published in 1633 by Olaus Wormius, and it be-
came a house-book among the Norwegian bonders.
At the present day, in the dwellings of the remote
valleys, especially of the Drontheim district, — such as
Stordal, V^rdal, Indal, — a well-used copy of some saga,
generally that of King Olaf the Saint, reprinted from
Peter Claussen's work, will be found along with the
Bible, Prayer Book, Christian the Fourth's Law Book,
and the Storthing's Transactions, to be the house-
father's library. During a winter passed in one of
those valleys, the translator, in the course of acquir-
ing the language of the country, borrowed one of
those books from his neighbour Arne of Ostgrunden,
a bonder or peasant-proprietor of a farm so called. It
was the saga of King Olaf the Saint. Keading it in
the midst of the historical localities, and of the very
houses and descendants of the very men presented to
you in the stirring scenes of this saga at the battle of
Stiklestad, he may very probably have imbibed an in-
terest which he cannot impart to readers unacquainted
* The copy of the Heimskringla made in 1230 by Snorro's nephew,
Sturla, is considered the ground text from which all the other manu-
scripts have been made ; and copies in writing of his work have been
made as late as 1567- The exact date of any of the manuscripts used
by Mortenssen in 1594<, or by Claussen in 1559? printed by Wormius
in l663, or by Peringskiold in l697j is not ascertained. They appear
to have all had different manuscripts before them ; some better, appa-
rently, in some parts, and in others not so perfect. The Heimskringla
of Schoning, in folio, — the first volume published in 1777, the last in
1826, in Icelandic, Latin, and Danish, at Copenhagen, — is the best.
202 CHRONICLE OF THE
MEMOIR ^Yith the country, the people, and their social state.
'"^^scTn ^" He read with delight the account of old manners and
ways of living given in the saga, — old, yet not without
much resemblance to what still exists in ordinary
family life among the bonders. He found, from know-
ing the localities, the charm of truth from internal
evidence in the narratives of that saga. It is not un-
likely that these favourable circumstances may have
given the translator a higher impression of the literary
merit of the Heimskringla, than others may receive
from it. He was not aware at the time that the volume
which delighted him was but a translation of a single
saga from Snorro Sturleson's work into a Norse which
itself was becoming obsolete, and like the Scotch of
Lindsay of Pitscottie's Chronicle, was in some degree
a forgotten language even among the peasantry. It
has since been the occasional and agreeable occupation
of his leisure hours to study the work of Snorro in
the original. To much knowledge of, or familiarity
with the Icelandic, he cannot lay any claim. To get
at the meaning and spirit of the text, helping himself
over the difficulties, which generally only lay in his
own ignorance of the language, by collating every
passage he was in doubt about with the meaning
given to it in the translations of Peringskiold, Schon-
ing, and Aal, and to give a plain faithful translation
into English of the Heimskringla, unencumbered with
antiquarian research, and suited to the plain English
reader, has been his object.
The short pieces of scaldic poetry which Snorro
intermixes with his narrative, and quotes as his au-
thorities for the facts he is telling, are very difficult
to deal with in a translation. They are not without
a rude grandeur of imagery, and a truthfulness in
description of battles and sea-fights ; and they have
a simplicity which, although often flat, is often natural
and impressive. They have probably been originally
KINGS OF NOEWAY. 203
delivered viva voce in recitative, so that the voice, memoir
' ^ ' OF
adroitly managed, would form a measure. Icelandic ^'^lif^ ^
poetry does not, like the Greek or Latin, differ from
prose by certain measures or feet in a verse, but has
a formation peculiar to itself. All Icelandic poems,
or almost all, are divided into strophes consisting of
eight lines. The strophe is further subdivided into
two half-strophes, and each of these again into two
parts. Each part is a fourth of the Avhole strophe, and
contains two verses or lines. The first of these lines is
called the fore line, and the second the back hne ; and
the two are connected together, as verses, by rhyme-
letters, or rhyme-syllables. This rhyme-letter, or
alliteration, consists in having two words in the fore
line beginning with the same initial letter ; and a third
word, that which is the most important in the mean-
ing, in the second or back line, and beginning with
the same letter. For example : —
'^ Farvel fagnadar
Fold og heilla."
'' Farewell, favoured
Fold (land) and holy."
The letter F in the word Fold is the head letter of
the alliteration, and the same letter in Farvel and
fagnadar are the two subsidiary alliterative sounds in
the first line. In the use of this alliteration there
are several subdivisions, from exceptions or limit-
ations to the general principle. Besides this alliter-
ation or letter-rhyme, there are syllable-rhymes, in
Avhich the first syllables of words, instead of the first
letters only, form, by their collocation in the fore and
back lines, the versification ; and if the first syllables
rhyme together, the last may be difierent sounds.
Thus, merki and sterka, or gumar and sumir, are per-
fect syllable-rhymes in a line. End-rhymes, as in the
other Gothic languages, are also used in Icelandic ver-
STURLE.
SON.
204 CHRONICLE OF THE
MEMOIR sification, connected also always with the alliterativt
and syllabic rhymes. Thus : —
'^ Nu er hersis hefnd,
Vid hilmi efnd.
Gengr ulfr ok aern
Af ynglings baern."
The two lines only rhyme together, in Icelandic
versification, which are connected by the rules of
alliterative verse, — viz. the first and second, and
the third and fourth; but the first and third, or
second and fourth, are never made to rhyme together.
Longer verse -lines than of eight syllables are not
used, and lines of three or six appear more common.
A short measure, admitting of no pause or caesura in
the middle of the line, appears to have been most
agreeable to the Icelandic ear, or mode of recitative
in which the scalds have chanted their verses. These
observations are taken from Rask's " Yeiledning til
det Islandske Sprog, 1811;" in which there is a valu-
able dissertation on the Icelandic versification, with
examples of the different kinds of verses. Some later
Icelandic scholars are of opinion that what Rask has
treated as two lines, on the supposition that the Ice-
landic versification had no caesura, had in reality been
one line, with the caesura marked by a rhyme corre-
sponding to the end-rhyme of the line, which middle
rhyme is of common occurrence in old English verses.
For example, in the following old English verses on
the Bee, the line is not concluded at the rhyme in the
middle, which marks a strong caesura or pause, not a
total want of it : —
"In winter daies, when Phoebus' raies
Are hid with misty cloudy
And stormy showers assault her bowers.
And cause her for to crowd."
Buret's Alvea7'ia, 1580.
And also in the Latin rhymes of the monks in the
middle ages, as, for instance in these, —
KINGS OF NORWAY. 205
'^ Omnia terrena per vices sunt aliena, memoir
Nunc mei nunc hujus, post mortem nescio cujus/' — stukle-
the rhyme by no means concludes the line. The
mode of writmg on parchment or paper has, for
economy of the material, been in continuous lines, like
prose, without any division, in the manuscripts of old
date ; so that nothing can be concluded from the writ-
ing concerning the length or forms of the verses.
Whether the scalds adapted their verses to music, or
tunes, seems not well ascertained. Little mention, if
any, is made in any of the sagas of tunes, or musical
instruments ; yet they have had songs. All their
pieces are called songs, and are said to be sung, and
many of them evidently were intended to be sung.
We find mention also of old songs ; for instance, the
" Biarkemal," was instantly recognised by the whole
army at Stiklestad. They must have had tunes for
these songs. We find also a refrain, or chorus to
songs, mentioned. All, perhaps, that can be safely said
of Icelandic versification is, that the system has been
very artificial, and full of technical difiiculties in the
construction ; and, independently of the beauties of
poetic spirit and ideas, may have had the merit of
technical difiiculties in the verse adroitly overcome by
the scald, — a merit which it would be going too far to
contemn, because we, with minds and ears not trained
in the same way, cannot feel it. How much of our
own most esteemed poetry gives us pleasure from
similar conventional sources distinct altogether from
poetical imagery, or ideas which all men of all coun-
tries and ages would relish and feel pleasure from?
There may also have been a harmony and measured
cadence given by the voice in reciting or chanting
such verses — and they were composed to be recited,
not silently read — which are lost to us. All we can
judge of them is, that if such verses could be con-
structed in the English language, they would be mth-
SON.
206 CHRONICLE OF THE
MEMOIR out harmony or otlier essential property of verse to
sTuj^^E- ^g . as our minds, ears, and the genius of our language
are formed in a different mould. Besides, the pecu-
liarities of the construction of the verse, the poetical
language, and the allusions to the Odin mythology,
are so obscure, involved, and far-fetched, that volumes
of explanation would be necessary almost for every
line in any verbatim translation. TorfaBus, who was
himself an Icelander, and was unquestionably the first
of northern antiquaries, declares that much of the
scaldic poetry is so obscure, that no meaning at all
can be twisted out of it by the most intense study.
The older and younger Eddas were in fact hand-books
composed expressly for explaining the mythological
allusions and metaphors occurring in the poetry of the
scalds ; so that this obscurity and difficulty appear to
have been felt even before the Odin worship was totally
extinct, and its mythology forgotten. Examples ^vill
best illustrate the obscurity of allusion. In the verses
composed by Berse, quoted in the 48th chapter of
Olaf the Saint's Saga, in the sixth line, the literal
translation of the text would be, " Giver of the fire
of the ship's out-field." The " out-field" of the ship
is the ocean which surrounds a ship, as the out-field
surrounds a farm. The fire of the ocean is gold ; be-
cause JEgir, when he received the gods into his hall
in the depths of the ocean, lighted it with gold hung
round instead of the sun's rays; and hence the ocean's
rays is a common poetical term for gold in the scaldic
poetry. Now " the giver of the fire of the ship's
out-field " means the giver of gold, the generous king.
Another example of the obscurity of allusion is in
the first line of the verses quoted in the 21st chapter
of Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga. In the original the ex-
pression is literally, " Hater of the bow-seat's fire."
Now the bow-seat is the hand which carries the bow;
its fire is the gold which adorns the hand in rings or
KINGS OF NORWAY. 207
STU RLE-
SON.
bracelets ; and the hater of this fire is the man who memoir
hates to keep it, who gives it away, — the generous
man. Every piece ahnost of the scaldic poetry quoted
in the Heimskringla has allusions of this obscure kind,
which would be unintelligible without voluminous ex-
planation ; and yet the character of these short poeti-
cal pieces does not consist in these, which seem to be
but expletives for filling out their artificial structure
of verses, but in their rude simplicity and wild
grandeur. The translator intended at first to have
have left out these pieces of scaldic poetry altogether.
They are not essential to Snorro's prose narrative of
the events to which they refer. They are not even
authorities for the facts he details, although he quotes
them in that view ; for they only give the summary
or heads of events of which he gives the particular
minute accounts. They appear to be catch-words,
or preliminary verses, for aiding the memory in re-
curring to some long account or saga in prose of
which they are the compendium or text. The oldest
translator also of Snorro's work, Peter Claussen, who
is supposed to have had, in 1599, a manuscript to
translate from which is now lost, omits altogether the
verses. The translator consulted a literary friend, —
his son, Mr. S. Laing, late Fellow of St. John's Col-
lege Cambridge, now of the Railroad Department of
the Board of Trade, — and went over with him the
translation of the prose narrative of Snorro, and trans-
lations into prose of the poetical pieces connected with
it. They came to the conclusion that although these
pieces of scaldic poetry are not essential to Snorro's
prose narrative of the historical events to which they
refer, they are essential to the spirit and character of
Snorro's work. However obscure, impoetical, mono-
tonous in the ideas, or uninteresting and flat they may
be, they show the mind, spirit, and intellectual state of
the age and people, — show what it was they considered
208 CHRONICLE OF THE
MEMOIR poetry ; and the poorest of these compositions have, in
sTURLE- i]^[^ view, great historical interest. Many of them are,
especially in the descriptions and imagery connected
with the warfare of those times, highly poetical ; and,
under any forms of verse or language, the " Hakon-
armal," chapter 33. of Hakon the Good's Saga, the
" Biarkemal," chapter 220. of Saint Olaf's Saga, and
many of the pieces of Sigvat the Scald and others,
would be acknowledged as genuine poetry. On ex-
amining more closely these pieces of scaldic poetry, it
appears, in general, that the second half of the strophe
of eight lines, which their rules of versification required
as the length of their poetical pieces, is but a repeti-
tion of the idea of the first half, and the second two
lines but an echo of the two first. The whole mean-
ing— all that the scald has to say in the strophe, is
very often comprehended within the two first lines,
the fore line and back line, which are connected to-
gether by the alliterative letters or syllables; and the
one idea is ex]3anded, only in other words, over the
whole surface of the rest of the strophe of eight lines.
The extraordinary metaphors and mythological allu-
sions, the epithets so long-winded and obscure, the
never-ending imagery of wolves glutted and ravens
feasted by the deeds of the warriors, arise evidently
from the necessity imposed on the scald of finding
alliteratives, and conforming to the other strict rules
of their versification. The beauty of this artificial
construction is lost even upon the best Icelandic
scholars of our times ; and it appears to have been the
only beauty many of these pieces of poetry ever pre-
tended to, for the ideas so expressed are often not in
any way poetical. Grundtvig, in his translation into
Danish of the Heimskringla, and some German trans-
lators of scaldic poems, have cut the loop of this
difiiculty. They have taken only the most poetical
of the pieces of the scalds, and have freely translated.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 209
or freely paraphrased them into modern ballads, or memoir
songs, in modern measures. Grundtvig has done so ^^'^'n'^'
with great poetic genius and spirit ; and his transla-
tions have justly placed him in the first rank of Danish
poets. Many of his translations might be placed by
the side of the best pieces of Burger or of Scott in
the ballad style ; but then they are Grundtvig's, not
the scalds'. They are no more a translation of the
verses of the scalds quoted by Snorro Sturleson, than
Shakspeare's Hamlet is a translation of the story of
Hamlet in Saxo Grammaticus.
The translator and Mr. S. Laing have rendered
into English verse these scaldic pieces of poetry,
from prose translations of them laboriously made
out. The ideas in each strophe, the allusions, and
imagery, were first ascertained by collating the Norse
translations of them in M. Jacob Aal's excellent
translation of the Heimskringla published in 1838,
and those in the folio edition of 1777, and the Latin
prose translations of them by Thorlacius and Wer-
lauf, in the sixth volume of that edition, published
in 1826, with the Icelandic text. * The ideas, allu-
sions, and imagery are, much oftener than could be
expected, obtained, and rendered line for line ; and
the meaning of each half strophe is always, it is be-
lieved, given in the corresponding four English verses.
The English reader, it is hoped, will thus be better
able to form an idea of the poetry of the scalds,
than if the translators had been more ambitious,
and had given a looser paraphrase of those pieces ac-
cording to their own taste or fancy. Some of these
pieces of scaldic poetry, it will be seen even by this
* The versions of Jacob Aal and Thorlacius and Werlauf into the
cognate Northern tongue are much more graphic than the Latin, and
more true to the spirit of the Icelandic. These versions have been
referred to for the meaning of the scald in all cases in which the Ice-
landic was obscure.
VOL. I. P
210 CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF NOKWAY.
OK
STUHLE
SON.
^iEMoiR clim reflection^ have very considerable poetical merit ;
many, again, are extremely flat and prosaic, and are
merely prose ideas cut into the shape of verse by the
scald. These, it must be recollected, may have had
their beauty and merit in the technical construction
of the verse, and may have been very pleasing and
harmonious, although such merits is lost upon us in
a diff*erent language. The ideas are all we can get
at ; not the forms and technical beauties of the ex-
pression of those ideas. It will not escape the obser-
vation of the English reader that in the ideas there
is a very tedious monotony, in the descriptions of
battles and bloodshed, in the imagery of war, in the
epithets applied to the warriors and kings ; and in
general there is a total want of sentiment or feeling.
The spirit is altogether material. The scalds deal only
in description of material objects, and mainly of those
connected with warfare by sea or land. But this, no
doubt, belongs to the spirit of the state of society
and times ; and it will be considered of sopie import-
ance to know what the ideas were which were then
considered poetical, and which pleased the cultivated
classes for whom the scalds composed. The English
public will be able, in some degree, from these trans-
lations, to judge what the poetry of the scalds was, —
what may have been its real poetic merit : of the labour
and difficulty of presenting these pieces to the public,
even in this imperfect way, none can jtidge but those
who will try the same task.
THE
HEIMSKRINGLA;
OR,
CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF NORWAY.
PREFACE OF SNORRO STURLESON.
In this book I have had old stories written down, as preface.
I have heard them told by intelligent people, concern-
ing chiefs who have held dominion in the northern
countries, and who spoke the Danish tongue ; and
also concerning some of their family branches, accord-
ing to what has been told me. Some of this is found
in ancient family registers, in which the pedigrees of
kings and other personages of high birth are reckoned
up, and part is written down after old songs and
ballads which our forefathers had for their amusement.
Now, although we cannot just say what truth there
may be in these, yet we have the certainty that old
and wise men held them to be true.
Thiodolf hinn Frode* of Huina was the scald of
* Family surnames were not in use, and scarcely are so now, among
the Northmen. Olaf the son of Harald was called Olaf Haraldson ;
Olaf s son Magnus, Magnus Olafsson ; and his son Hakon, Hakon
Magnusson : thus dropping altogether any common name with the
family predecessors. This custom necessarily made the tracing of
family connection difficult, and dependent upon the memory of scalds
or others. The appellations Fair-haired, Black, &c., have been given
to help in distinguishing individuals of the same name from each other.
HinnFrode the Wise, the Much-knowing, — the Polyhistorj as it is trans-
p 2
212 CHRONICLE OF THE
PREFACE. Harald Haarfager, and he composed a poem foi
King Ragnvald the Mountam-high, which is called
" Ynglingatal." This Ragnvald was a son of Olaf
Geirstad-Alf, the brother of King Halfdan the Black.
In this poem thirty of his forefathers are reckoned up,
and the death and burial-place of each are given. He
begins with Fiolner, a son of Ingvifrey, whom the
Swedes, long after his time, worshipped and sacrificed
to, and from whom the race or family of the Ynglingers
take their name.
Eyvind Skaldaspiller also reckoned up the ancestors
of Earl Hakon the Great in a poem called " Haleigia-
tal," composed about Hakon; and therein he mentions
Saeming, a son of Ingvifrey, and he likewise tells of
the death and funeral rites of each. The lives and
times of the Yngling race were written from Thiodolf 's
relation enlarged afterwards by the accounts of intel-
ligent people.
As to funeral rites, the earliest age is called the
Age of Burning ; because all the dead were consumed
by fire, and over their ashes Avere raised standing
stones.* But after Frey was buried under a mound
at Upsalf, many chiefs raised mounds, as commonly
as stones, to the memory of their relatives.
The Age of Mounds began properly in Denmark
after Dan MikillatiJ had raised for himself a burial-
mound, and ordered that he should be buried in it on
his death, with his royal ornaments and armour, his
horse and saddle-furniture, and other valuable goods ;
lated into Latin by the antiquarians, — is applied to many persons ; and
is possibly connected with the old Norman French appellative Prud-
Prud'homme.
* Bauta-Steina are in Scotland called standing stones by the common
people, and we have no other word in our language for those monu-
ments.
•j* Uppsalir, the High Halls, was not the present city of Upsal; but
Gamle Upsal, two miles north of the present Upsal.
I Mikill-lati ~ the Magnificent.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 213
and many of his descendants followed his example, preface.
But the burning of the dead continued, long after
that time, to be the custom of the Swedes and North-
men. Iceland was occupied in the time that Harald
Haarfager was the King of Norway. There were
scalds in Harald' s court whose poems the people know
by heart even at the present day, together with all
the songs about the kings who have ruled in Norway
since his time ; and we rest the foundations of our
story principally upon the songs which were sung in the
presence of the chiefs themselves or of their sons, and
take all to be true that is found in such poems about
their feats and battles : for although it be the fashion
with scalds to praise most those in whose presence
they are standing, yet no one would dare to. relate to a
chief what he, and all those who heard it, knew to be
a false and imaginary, not a true account of his deeds ;
because that would be mockery, not praise.
OF THE PRIEST ARE HINN ERODE.
The priest Are hinn Frode* (the Wise), a son of
Thorgils the son of Gellis, was the first man in this
country who wrote down in the Norse language nar-
ratives of events both old and new. In the beginning
of his book he wrote principally about the first settle-
ments in Iceland, the laws and government, and next
of the lagmenf, and how long each had administered
the law ; and he reckoned the years at first, until the
time when Christianity was introduced into Iceland,
and afterwards reckoned from that to his own times.
To this he added many other subjects, such as the
lives and times of kings of Norway and Denmark,
* Are Frode was born in Iceland 1067^ and lived to 1148, or ac-
cording to some 1158.
f Lagmen were district judges appointed by the Things to administer
the law.
p 3
214 CHRONICLE OF THE
PREFACE, and also of England ; besides accounts of great events
which have taken place in this country itself. His
narratives are considered by many men of knowledge
to be the most remarkable of all ; because he was a
man of good understanding, and so old that his birth
was as far back as the year after Harald Sigurdson's
fall. He wrote, as he himself says, the lives and times
of the kings of Norway from the report of Odd Kol-
lason, a grandson of Hall of Sidu. Odd again took
his information from Thorgeir AfradskoU, who was
an intelligent man, and so old that when Earl Hakon
the Great was killed he was dwelling at Nidaros —
the same place at which King Olaf Tryggvesson after-
wards laid the foundation of the merchant town of
Drontheim which is now there. The priest Are came,
when seven years old, to Haukadal to Hall Thorarin-
son, and was there fourteen years. Hall was a man
of great knowledge and of excellent memory; and he
could even remember being baptized, when he was
three years old, by the priest Thangbrand, the year
before Christianity was established by law in Iceland.
Are was twelve years of age when Bishop Isleif * died,
and at his death eighty years had elapsed since the
fall of Olaf Tryggvesson. Hall died nine years later
than Bishop Isleif, and had attained nearly the age of
ninety-four years. Hall had traded between the two
countries, and had been in partnership in trading
concerns with King Olaf the Saint, by which his cir-
cumstances had been greatly improved, and he had
become well acquainted Avith the kingdom of Norway.
He had iixed his residence in Haukadal when he was
thirty years of age, and he had dwelt there nearly
sixty-four years, as Are tells us. Teit, a son of
Bishop Isleif, was fostered in the house of Hall of
* Isleif was the first bishop of Iceland, and had studied at Erfurth
in Germany, and died 1079
KINGS OF NORWAY. 215
Haukadal, and afterwards dwelt there himself. He preface.
taught Are the priest, and gave him information about
many circumstances which Are afterwards wrote down.
Are also got many a piece of information from Thurid,
a daughter of the godar* Snorro. She was wise and
intelligent, and remembered her father Snorro, who
was nearly thirty-five years of age when Christianity
was introduced into Iceland, and died a year after
King Olaf the Saint's fall.f So it is not wonderful
that Are the priest had good information about ancient
events both here in Iceland, and abroad, being a man
anxious for information, intelligent, and of excellent
memory, and having besides learned much from old
intelligent persons.
* Godars were priests and judges, and an hereditary class, apparently,
in Iceland in the heathen time. But we hear little or nothing of such
a priesthood in Norway ; nor is it clear what their civil jurisdiction
may have been in Iceland compared to that of the lagmen, or whether
the godars, originally the priests by hereditary right, as descendants of
Odin's twelve diars, were not ex officio the lagmen or judges also.
I This happened 1030.
P 4
216
CHRONICLE OF THE
I.
SAGA I.
Chapter
I.
Of the si-
tuation of
countries.
YNGLINGA SAGA,
OR THE STORY OF THE YNGLING FAMILY FROM ODIN TO
HALFDAN THE BLACK.
It is said that the earth's circle which the human
race inhabits is torn across into many bights, so that
great seas run into the land from the out-ocean.
Thus it is known that a great sea goes in at Niorva-
sund% and up to the land of Jerusalem. From the
same sea a long sea-bight stretches towards the north-
east, and is called the Black Sea, and divides the three
parts of the earth ; of which the eastern part is called
Asia, and the western is called by some Europa, by
some Enea. Northward of the Black Sea lies Swithiod
the Great f, or the Cold. The Great Sweden is rec-
koned by some not less than the Saracens' land J;
others compare it to the Great Blueland. § The
northern part of Swithiod lies uninhabited on account
of frost and cold, as likewise the southern parts of
Blueland are waste from the burning of the sun. In
Swithiod are many great domains, and many wonder-
ful races of men, and many kinds of languages.
There are giants, and there are dwarfs, and there are
also blue men. There are wild beasts, and dreadfully
large dragons. On the north side of the mountains
which lie outside of all inhabited lands runs a river
* Niorvasund, the Straits of Gibraltar ; so called from the first
Northman who sailed through them,
f Swithiod the Great, or the Cold, is the ancient Sarmatia ; and is
also called Godheim in the mythological sagas, or the home of Odin and
the other gods. Swithiod the Less is Sweden proper, and is called
Mannheim, or the home of the kings the descendants of these gods.
:{: Serkland means North Africa and Spain, and the countries of the
Saracens in Asia.
§ Blaland, the country of the blacks in Africa.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 217
through Swithiod, which is properly called by the saga i.
name of Tanais, but was formerly called Taiiaquisl,
or Yanaquisl, and which falls into the ocean at the
Black Sea. The country of the people on the Vana-
quisl was called Yanaland, or Yanaheim ; and the
river separates the three parts of the world, of which
the eastermost part is called Asia, and the westermost
Europe.
The country east of the Tanaquisl in Asia was Chaptek
called Asaland, or Asaheim, and the chief city in that of the
land was called Asgaard.* In that city was a chief ^^^^^^^^^^
called Odin, and it was a great place for sacrifice. It
was the custom there that twelve temple godarsf
should both direct the sacrifices, and also judge the
people. They were called Diars, or Drotners, and all
the people served and obeyed them. Odin was a great
and very far-travelled warrior, who conquered many
kingdoms, and so successful was he that in every
battle the victory was on his side. It was the belief
of his people that victory belonged to him in every
battle. It was his custom when he sent his men into
battle, or on any expedition, that he first laid his
hand upon their heads, and called down a blessing
upon them ; and then they believed their undertaking
would be successful. His people also were accustomed,
whenever they fell into danger by land or sea, to call
upon his name ; and they thought that always they
got comfort and aid by it, for where he was they
thought help was near. Often he went away so long
that he passed many seasons on his journeys.
Odin had two brothers, the one called Ye, the other
* Asgaard is supposed by those who look for historical fact in mytho-
logical tales to be the present Assor ; others that it is Chasgar in the
Caucasian ridge, called by Strabo Aspurgum — the Asburg or castle of
Aas ; which word Aas still remains in the northern languages, signify-
ing a ridge of high land.
t Hof godarsj whose office of priests and judges continued hereditary
in Scandinavia.
218
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
III.
Of Odin's
brothers.
Chapter
IV.
Of Odin's
war with
the people
of Vana-
land.
Vitir, and they governed the kingdom when he was
absent. It happened once when 0dm had gone to a
great distance, and had been so long away that the
people of Asa doubted if he would ever return home,
that his two brothers took it upon themselves to divide
his estate ; but both of them took his wife Frigg to
themselves. Odin soon after returned home, and took
his mfe back.
Odin went out with a great army against the Yana-
land people ; but they were well prepared, and de-
fended their land, so that victory was changeable, and
they ravaged the lands of each other, and did great
damage. They tired of this at last, and on both sides
appointed a meeting for establishing peace, made a
truce, and exchanged hostages. The Yanaland people
sent their best men, Niord the Kich, and his son Frey.
The people of Asaland sent a man called HsBuer, whom
they thought well suited to be a chief*, as he was a
stout and very handsome man, and with him they
sent a man of great understanding called Mimir ; and
on the other side the Yanaland people sent the wisest
man in their community, who was called Quaser.
Now, when Hsener came to Yanaheim he was imme-
diately made a chief, and Mimir came to him with
good counsel on all occasions. But when HaBner
stood in the Things or other meetings, if Mimir was
not near him, and any difficult matter was laid before
him, he always answered in one way, — " Now let
others give their advice ; " so that the Yanaland people
got a suspicion that the Asaland people had deceived
them in the exchange of men. They took Mimir,
therefore, and beheaded him, and sent his head to the
Asaland people. Odin took the head, smeared it with
herbs so that it should not rot, and sang incantations
* These exchanges appear not to have been of hostages, but of chiefs
to be incorporated with the people to whom they were sent, and thus to
preserve peace.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 219
over it. Thereby he gave it the power that it spoke saga i.
to him, and discovered to him many secrets. Odin
placed Niord and Frey as priests of the sacrifices, and
they became deities of the Asaland people. Niord' s
daughter Freya was priestess of the sacrifices, and
first taught the Asaland people the magic art, as it
was in use and fashion among the Vanaland people.
While Niord was with the Vanaland people he had
taken his own sister in marriage, for that was allowed
by their law; and their children were Freyn and Freya.
But among the Asaland people it was forbidden to
come together in so near relationship.
There goes a great mountain barrier from north- Chapter
east to south-west, which divides the Greater Sweden odin di-
from other kingdoms. South of this mountain ride^e yi^^^ ^^^^
*-> . ^ kingdom :
it is not far to Turkland, Avhere Odin had great pos- also con-
sessions. But Odin having foreknowledge, and Gefio"?
magic-sight, knew that his posterity would come to
settle and dwell in the northern half of the world.
In those times the Roman chiefs went wide around
in the world, subduing to themselves all people ; and
on this account many chiefs fled from their domains.
Odin set his brothers Ye and Yitir over Asgaard ; and
he himself, with all the gods and a great many other
people, wandered out, first westward to Gardarige"^,
and then south to Saxland.f He had many sons ; and
after having subdued an extensive kingdom in Sax-
land, he set his sons to defend the country. He him-
self went northwards to the sea, and took up his
abode in an island which is called Odinso in Fyen.
Then he sent Gefion across the sound to the north,
to discover new countries ; and she came to King
Gylfe, who gave her a ploughgate of land. Then she
went to Jotunheim, and bore four sons to a giant,
and transformed them into a yoke of oxen, and yoked
them to a plough, and broke out the land into the
* Gardarige is Russia. t Saxland is Germany.
220
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Ch AFTER
VI.
Of Odin's
accom-
plishments.
ocean right opposite to Odinso, which land was called
Sealand, where she afterwards settled and dwelt.
Skiold, a son of Odin, married her, and they dwelt
at Leidre.* Where the ploughed land was is a lake
or sea called Laage. In the Swedish land the fiords
of Laage correspond to the nesses in Sealand. Brage
the Old sings thus of it : f —
^' Gefion from Gylfe drove away,
To add new land to Denmark's sway, —
Blythe Gefion ploughing in the smoke
That steamed up from her oxen-yoke :
Four heads, eight forehead stars had they,
Bright gleaming, as she ploughed away;
Dragging new lands from the deep main
To join them to the sweet isle's plain."
Now when Odin heard that things were in a pros-
perous condition in the land to the east beside Gylfe,
he went thither, and Gylfe made a peace with him,
for Gylfe thought he had no strength to oppose the
people of Asaland. Odin and Gylfe had many tricks
and enchantments against each other; but the Asa-
land people had always the superiority. Odin took
up his residence at the Mselare lake, at the place now
called Sigtun. There he erected a large temple, where
there were sacrifices according to the customs of the
Asaland people. He appropriated to himself the whole
of that district of country, and called it Sigtun. To
the temple gods he gave also domains. Niord dwelt
in Noatun, Frey in Upsal, Heimdal in Himinberg,
Thor in Thrudvong, Baldor in Breidablik; to all of
them he gave good domains.
When Odin of Asaland came to the north, and the
gods with him, he began to exercise and teach others
the arts which the people long afterwards have
* Leidre, or Hleidre, or Leire, at the end of Isafiord, in the county
of Lithraborg, is considered the oldest royal seat in Denmark.
■j* This fable is possibly the echo of some tradition of a convulsion
in which the ocean broke into the Baltic through the Sound and Belts,
or in which the island of Sealand was raised from the deep.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 22 L
practised. Odin was the cleverest of all, and from saga i.
him all the others learned their magic arts ; and he
knew them first, and knew many more than other
people. But now, to tell why he is held in such high
respect, we must mention various causes that contri-
buted to it. When sitting among his friends his
countenance was so beautiful and friendly, that the
spirits of ^11 were exhilarated by it ; but when he
was in war he appeared fierce and dreadful. This
arose from his being able to change his colour and
form in any way he liked. Another cause was, that
he conversed so cleverly and smoothly, that all who
heard were persuaded. He spoke every thing in rhyme,
such as now composed, and which we call scald-craft.
He and his temple gods were called song-smiths, for
from them came that art of song into the northern
countries. Odin could make his enemies in battle
blind, or deaf, or terror-struck, and their weapons so
blunt that they could no more cut than a willow
twig; on the other hand, his men rushed forwards
without armour, were as mad as dogs or wolves, bit
their shields, and were strong as bears or mid bulls,
and killed people at a blow, and neither fire nor iron
told upon them. These were called Bersaerkers.*
Odin could transform his shape : his body would Chapter
lie as if dead, or asleep ; but then he would be in shape of odins
of a fish, or worm, or bird, or beast, and be ofi" in f^^*^-
a twinkling to distant lands upon his own or other
people's business. With words alone he could quench
fire, still the ocean in tempest, and turn the wind
to any quarter he pleased. Odin had a ship which
Avas called Skidbladnir, in which he sailed over wide
* Bersaerker — so called from ber, bare ; and serkr^ shirt : that is,
bare of any shirt of mail, as they fought without armour. The Ber-
saerkers appear to have gone into battle intoxicated with opium, or some
exciting drug ; as the reaction after their bersaerker gang was over, and
their lassitude and exhaustion, prove the use of some stimulant previously
to a great excess.
222 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I. seas, and which he could roll up like a cloth. ^ Odin
carried with him Mimir's head, which told him all
the news of other countries. Sometimes even he
called the dead out of the earth, or set himself
beside the burial-mounds ; whence he was called
the ghost' sovereign, and lord of the mounds. He
had two ravens, to whom he had taught the speech
of man ; and they flew far and wide through the
land, and brought him the news. In all such
things he was pre-eminently wise. He taught all
these arts in Runes, and songs which are called
incantations, and therefore the Asaland people are
called incantation- smiths c Odin understood also the
art in which the greatest power is lodged, and which
he himself practised ; namely, what is called magic.
By means of this he could know beforehand the pre-
destined fate t of men, or their not yet completed lot ;
and also bring on the death, ill luck, or bad health of
people, and take the strength or wit from one person
and give it to another. But after such witchcraft
followed such weakness and anxiety, that it was not
thought respectable for men to practise it ; and there-
fore the priestesses were brought up in this art. Odin
knew finely where all missing cattle were concealed
under the earth, and understood the songs by which
the earth, the hills, the stones, and mounds were
opened to him ; and he bound those who dwell in
them by the power of his word, and went in and took
what he pleased. From these arts he became very
celebrated. His enemies dreaded him ; his friends put
their trust in him, and relied on his power and on
himself. He taught the most of his arts to his
priests of the sacrifices, and they came nearest to
himself in all wisdom and witch-knowledge. Many
* This possibly refers to boats covered with skin or leather — the
coracle of the Welsh and Irish.
t Orlog — the original law, the primaeval law fixed from the begin-
ning. It is curious that this idea of a predestination existed in the
religion of Odin.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 223
others, however, occupied themselves much with it; saga i.
and from that time witchcraft spread far and wide,
and continued long. People sacrificed to Odin, and
the twelve chiefs from Asaland, — called them their
gods, and believed in them long after. From Odin's
name came the name Audun, which people gave to
his sons ; and from Thor's name comes Thorer, also
Thorarinn ; and also it is sometimes augmented by
other additions, as Steenthor, or Hafthor, and many
kinds of alterations.
Odin established the same law in his land that had Chapter
been in force in Asaland. Thus he established by of odin's
law that all dead men should be burned, and their lawgiving.
property laid with them upon the pile, and the ashes
be cast into the sea or buried in the earth. Thus,
said he, every one will come to Valhalla with the
riches he had with him upon the pile ; and he would
also enjoy whatever he himself had buried in the
earth. For men of consequence a mound should be
raised to their memory, and for all other warriors who
had been distinguished for manhood a standing stone ;
which custom remained long after Odin's time. To-
wards winter there should be blood- sacrifice for a
good year, and in the middle of winter for a good
crop ; and the third sacrifice should be in summer,
for victory in battle. Over all Sweden the people
paid Odin a scatt or tax — so much on each head; but
he had to defend the country from enemy or dis-
turbance, and pay the expense of the sacrifice feasts
towards winter for a good year.
Niord took a wife called Skada ; but she would not Chapter
. T X
live with him, but married afterwards Odin, and had of Niord's
many sons by him, of whom one was called Saeming ; marriage,
and of this Eyvind Skaldaspiller sings thus : —
" To Asa's son Queen Skada bore
Sgeming, who dyed his shield in gore, —
The giant- queen of rock and snow,
Who loves to dwell on earth below^
224
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
X.
Of Odin's
death.
Chapter
XI.
Of Niord.
The iron pine-tree's daughter, she
Sprung from the rocks that rib the sea.
To Odin bore full many a son.
Heroes of many a battle won."
To Seeming Earl Hakon the Great reckoned up his
pedigree. This Sweden they called Mannheim, but
the Great Sweden they called Godheim ; and of
Godheim great wonders and novelties were related.
Odin died in his bed in Sweden ; and when he was
near his death he made himself be marked with the
point of a spear *, and said he was going to Godheim,
and would give a welcome there to all his friends, and
all brave warriors should be dedicated to him ; and
the Swedes believed that he was gone to the ancient
Asgaard, and would live there eternally. Then began
the belief in Odin, and the calling upon him. The
Swedes believed that he often showed himself to them
before any great battle. To some he gave victory ;
others he invited to himself; and they reckoned both
of these to be well off in their fate. Odin was burnt,
and at his pile there was great splendour. It was
their faith, that the higher the smoke arose in the
air, the higher he would be raised whose pile it was ;
and the richer he would be, the more property that
was consumed with him.
Niord of Noatun was then the sole sovereign of the
Swedes; and he continued the sacrifices, and was
called the drot or sovereign by the Swedes, and he re-
ceived scatt and gifts from them. In his days were peace
and plenty, and such good years, in all respects, that
the Swedes believed Niord ruled over the growth of
seasons and the prosperity of the people. In his time
* The meaning seems to be, that he was marked with the sign of
the head of a spear; that is, with the sign of the cross. The sign of
Thor's hammer, viz. the head of a battle-axe or halberd, was said to be
used as the sign of the cross was after Christianity was introduced ; it
was a kind of consecration by a holy sign. But this is probably a
pious interpolation.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 225
all the diars or gods died, and blood-sacrifices were saga i.
made for them. Niord died on the bed of sickness,
and before he died made himself be marked for Odin
with the spear-point. The Swedes burned him, and
all wept over his grave-mound.
Freyr took the kingdom after Niort, and was called Chapter
drot by the Swedes, and they paid taxes to him. He Freyr's
was, like his father, fortunate in friends and in good ^^^*'''
seasons. Freyr built a great temple at Upsal, made
it his chief seat, and gave it all his taxes, his land,
and goods. Then began the Upsal domains *, which
have remained ever since. Then began, in his days,
the Frode-peace ; and then there were good seasons
in all the land, which the Swedes ascribed to Freyr,
so that he was more worshipped than the other gods,
as the people became much richer in his days by
reason of the peace and good seasons. His wife was
called Gerder, daughter of Gymis, and their son was
called Fiolner. Freyr was called by another name,
Yngve ; and this name Yngve was considered long
after in his race as a name of honour, so that his
descendants have since been called Ynglingers. Freyr
fell into a sickness ; and as his illness took the upper
hand, his men took the plan of letting few approach
him. In the meantime they raised a great mound,
in which they placed a door with three holes in it.
Now when Freyr died they bore him secretly into the
mound, but told the Swedes he was alive ; and they
kept watch over him for three years. They brought
all the taxes into the mound, and through the one
hole they put in the gold, through the other the
silver, and through the third the copper money that
was paid. Peace and good seasons continued.
* The Upsal domains were certain estates for the support of the
sovereign, and of the temple and rites of worship ; which after the
introduction of Christianity remained with the crown, and constituted
a large portion of the crown property in Sweden.
VOL. I. Q
226
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
XIII.
Of Freya
and her
daughters.
Chapter
XIV.
Of King
Fiolner's
death.
Freya alone remained of the gods, and she became
on this account so celebrated that all women of dis-
tinction were called by her name, whence they now
have the title Frue ; so that every woman is called
frue, or mistress over her property, and the wife is
called the house-frue. Freya continued the blood-
sacrifices. Freya had also many other names. Her
husband was called Oder, and her daughters Hnoss
and Gerseme. They were so very beautiful, that
afterwards the most precious jewels were called by
their names.
When it became kno^vn to the Swedes that Freyr
was dead, and yet peace and good seasons continued,
they believed that it must be so as long as Freyr re-
mained in Sweden ; and therefore they would not burn
his remains, but called him the god of this world,
and afterwards offered continually blood-sacrifices to
him, principally for peace and good seasons.
Fiolner, Yngve Frey^s son, ruled thereafter over
the Swedes and the Upsal domains. He was poAverful,
and lucky in seasons and in holding the peace. Frid-
frode ruled then in Hleidre, and between them there
was great friendship and visiting. Once when Fiolner
went to Frode in Sealand, a great feast was prepared
for him, and invitations to it were sent all over the
country. Frode had a large house, in which there
was a great vessel many ells high, and put together
of great pieces of timber ; and this vessel stood in a
lower room. Above it was a loft, in the floor of which
was an opening through which liquor was poured
into this vessel. The vessel was full of mead, which
was excessively strong. In the evening Fiolner, with
his attendants, was taken into the adjoining loft to
sleep. In the night he went out to the gallery
outside to seek the privy of the house, and he was
very sleepy, and exceedingly drunk. As he came
back to his room he went along the gallery to
d
KINGS OF NORWAY. 227
the door of another loft, went into it, and his foot saga i.
slipping he fell into the vessel of mead, and was
drowned. So says Thiodolf of Huine : —
^' In Frode's hall the fearful word.
The death-foreboding sound was heard :
The cry of fey* denouncmg doom,
Was heard at night in Frode's home.
And when brave Frode came, he found
Swithiod's dark chief, Fiolner, drowned.
In Frode's mansion drowned was he.
Drowned in a waveless, windless sea."
Sweo^der took the kine^dom after his father, and he Chapter
made a solemn vow to seek Godheim and Odin. He of Sweg-
went with twelve men through the world, and came
to Turkland, and the Great Sweden, where he found
many of his connections. He was five years on this
journey ; and when he returned home to Sweden he
remained there for some time. He had 2:ot a wife in
Vanheim, who was called Yana, and their son was
Vanland. Swegder went out afterwards to seek again
for Godheim, and came to a mansion on the east
side of Sweden called Stein, where there was a stone
as big as a large house. In the evening after sun-
set, as Swegder was going from the drinking-table to
his sleeping-room, he cast his eye upon the stone, and
saw that a dwarf was sitting under it. Swegder and
his man were very drunk, and they ran towards the
stone. The dwarf stood in the door, and called to
Swegder, and told him to come in, and he should see
Odin. Swegder ran into the stone, which instantly
closed behind him, and Swegder never came back.
Thiodolf of Huine tells of this : —
* Fey, feig, is used in the same sense in the northern languages as
in Scotland, denoting the acts or words or sounds preceding, and sup-
posed to be portending, a sudden death. " The ganger is fey," in Sir
Walter Scott's novel " Guy Mannering," is an expression seized by that
great painter of Scottish life from the common people, and applied in
its true meaning.
Q 2
228 CHRONICLE OF THK
SAGA I. '' By Diurnir's* elfin race.
Who haunt the cliffs and shun day's face;,
The valiant Swegdir was deceived,
The elf's false words the king believed.
The dauntless hero rushing on.
Passed through the yawning mouth of stone :
It yawned — it shut — the hero fell.
In Saekmime's f hall, where giants dwell."
Chapter Yaiiland, Swes^der^s son, succeeded his father, and
XVI .
Of Van- ruled over the Upsal domain. He was a great war-
land, rioY, and went far around in different lands. Once
owegder s i i • • • . o ♦ i
son. he took up his winter abode in Finland with Snio the
Old, and got his daughter Drisa in marriage ; but in
spring he set out leaving Drisa behind, and although
he had promised to return within three years he did
not come back for ten. Then Drisa sent a message
to the witch Hulda; and sent Yisbur, her son by
Vanland, to Sweden. Drisa bribed the witch-wife
Hulda, either that she should bewitch Vanland to
return to Finland, or kill him. When this witch-
work was going on Vanland was at Upsal, and a
great desire came over him to go to Finland ; but his
friends and counsellors advised him against it, and
said the mtchcraft of the Fin people showed itself in
this desire of his to go there. He then became very
drowsy, and laid himself down to sleep ; but when he
had slept but a little while, he cried out, saying,
" Mara J was treading upon him." His men hastened
to him to help him ; but when they took hold of his
head she trod on his legs, and when they laid hold of
his legs she pressed upon his head ; and it was his
death. The Swedes took his body and burnt it at a
river called Skytaa, where a standing stone was raised
over him. Thus says Thiodolf : —
* Diurnir, the second chief of the dwarfs or elves, in the Scan-
dinavian mythology.
t Ssekmimer — the giant of the rocks, whom Odin visited under
the assumed name of Ividur.
if Mara, the nightmare. We retain the name, and the notion that
it is a demon riding or treading on the sleeper.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 229
" And Vanland, in a fatal hour, sag^i.
Was dragg'd by Grimhild's daughter's power.
The witch-wife's^ to the dwelling-place
Where men meet Odin face to face.
Trampled to deaths to Skyta's shore
The corpse his faithful followers bore ;
And there they burnt, with heavy hearts.
The good chief killed by witchcraft's arts."
Visbur inherited after his father Vanland. He ^xvn^
married the daughter of Aude the Kich, and gave ofvisbur's
her as her bride-gift three hirge farms, and a gold
ornament. They had two sons, Gisle and Ond ; but
Yisbur left her and took another wife, whereupon she
went home to her father with her two sons. Yisbur
had a son who was called Domald, and his stepmother
used witchcraft to give him ill-luck. Now, when
Yisbur' s sons were, the one twelve, the other thirteen
years of age, they went to their father's place, and
desired to have their mother's dower ; but he would
not deliver it to them. Then they said that the gold
ornament should be the death of the best man in all
his race ; and they returned home. Then they began
again with enchantments and witchcraft, to try if they
could destroy their father. The sorceress Hulda said
that by witchcraft she could bring it about by this
means, that a murderer of his own kin should never
be wanting in the Yngling race ; and they agreed to
have it so. Thereafter they collected men, came un-
expectedly in the night on Yisbur, and burned him
in his house. So sings Thiodolf: —
" Have the fire-dogs' fierce tongues yelling
Lapt Visbur's blood on his own hearth ?
Have the flames consumed the dwelling
Of the hero's soul on earth ?
Madly ye acted, who set free
The forest foe, red fire, night thief,
Fell brother of the raging sea *,
Against your father and your chief."
* Forniot was father of Loge, ^gir, and Kara ; or Fire, the Sea,
and the Wind ; and hence fire is called by the scalds the brother of the
Q 3
230
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
XVIII.
Of Do-
mald's
death.
Chapter
XIX.
Of Domar's
death.
Chapter
XX.
Of Dyg-
gve's death.
Domald took the heritage after his father Visbur,
and ruled over the land. As in his time there was
great famine and distress, the Swedes made great
offerings of sacrifice at Upsal. The first autumn they
sacrificed oxen, but the succeeding season was not
improved by it. The follomng autumn they sacri-
ficed men, but the succeeding year was rather worse.
The third autumn, when the ofi'er of sacrifices should
begin, a great multitude of Swedes came to Upsal ;
and now the chiefs held consultations with each other,
and all agreed that the times of scarcity were on
account of their king Domald, and they resolved to
offer him for good seasons, and to assault and kill
him, and sprinkle the altar of the gods with his blood.
And they did so. Thiodolf tells of this : —
*^ It has happened oft ere now.
That foeman's weapon has laid low
The crowned head, where battle plain
Was miry red with the blood-rain.
But Domald dies by bloody arms.
Raised not by foes in war's alarms, —
Raised by his Swedish liegeman's hand.
To bring good seasons to the land."
Domald' s son, called Domar, next ruled over the
land. He reigned long, and in his days were good
seasons and peace. Nothing is told of him but that
he died in his bed in Upsal, and was transported to
the Fyrisvold, where his body was burned on the
river-bank, and where his standing stone still remains.
So says Thiodolf: —
^' I have asked wise men to tell
Where Domar rests, and they knew well.
Domar, on Fyrie's wide-spread ground,
Was burned, and laid on Ingve's mound."
Dyggve was the name of his son, who succeeded
him in ruling the land ; and about him nothing is said
sea. Loge is a word still retained in the northern parts of Scotland to
signify fire. The lowe, for the blaze or flame of fire, is indeed in
general use in Scotland.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 231
but that he died in his bed. Thiodolf tells of it saga t.
thus : —
'' Dyggve the Brave_, the mighty king,
It is 110 hidden secret thing.
Has gone to meet a royal mate.
Riding upon the horse of Fate.
For Loke's daughter* in her house
Of Ingve's race would have a spouse ;
Therefore the fell-one snatched away
Brave Dyggve from the light of day."
Dyggve's mother was Drott, a daughter of King
Dauj), the son of Rig, who was first called king in the
Danish tongue. His descendants always afterwards
considered the title of king the title of highest dignity.
Dyggve was the first of his family called king, for
his predecessors had been called Drotti, and their
wives Drottningr, and their court Drotr. Each of
their race was called Yngva, or Ynguni, and the whole
race together Ynglinger.f The Queen Drot was a
sister of King Dan .Mikillati, from whom Denmark
took its name.
King Dyggve's son, called Dag, succeeded to him. Chapter
and was so wise a man that he understood the Ian- of^^J
guage of birds. He had a sparrow which told him the wise,
much news, and flew to diflerent countries. Once
the sparrow flew to Reidgotaland J, to a farm called
* Noke's or Loke's (the evil principle) daughter was Hael, who re-
ceived in the under world those who, not having fallen in battle, were
not received by Odin in Valhalla. Our word '' hell " is derived from
the name of this goddess apparently.
f Is it possible that the Ingaevones of Tacitus can have any relation
to this tribe of Ynguni or Ingve ? The passage, cap. 2., '^ De Moribus
Germanigp," has a remarkable coincidence with the saga story of these
Northmen. '^Celebrant carminibus antiquis (quod unum apud illos
memoriae et annalium genus est) Tuisconem Deum, terra editum, et
filium Mannum, originem gentis conditoresque. Manno tres filios e
quorum nominibus proximi oceano Ingaevones." Here is a tribe of
Ingaeve deriving their origin from the gods, like the Ingve or Inguni
of the saga.
J Reidgotaland is understood to mean Jutland, and Eygotaland the
islands inhabited by the same people. It is by no means clear that these
appellations of Gotlanders on the Baltic coast have any connection
Q 4
232 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I. Yarva, where he flew into the peasant's corn-field
and took his grain. The peasant came up, took a
stone, and killed the sparrow. King Dag was ill
pleased that the sparrow did not come home ; and as
he, in a sacrifice of expiation, inquired after the spar-
row, he got the answer that it was killed at Yarva.
Thereupon he ordered a great army, and went to
Gothland ; and when he came to Yarva he landed with
his men and plundered, and the people fled away
before him. King Dag returned in the evening to
his ships, after having killed many people and taken
many prisoners. As they were going across a river
at a place called Skiotan's Ford, a labouring thrall
came running to the river-side, and threw a hay-fork
into their troop. It struck the king on the head, so
that he fell instantly from his horse and died, and his
men went back to Sweden. In those times the chief
who ravaged a country was called Gram"^, and the
men-at-arms under him Gramr. Thiodolf sings of it
thus : —
*^ What news is this that the king's men.
Flying eastward through the glen.
Report? That Dag the Brave, whose name
Is sounded far and wide by Fame, —
That Dag, who knew so well to wield
The battle-axe in bloody field.
Where brave men meet, no more will head
The brave — that mighty Dag is dead !
" Varva was wasted with the sword.
And vengeance taken for the bird, —
The little bird that used to bring
News to the ear of the great king.
with the great population called the Goths, unless a fortuitous similarity
of name and a common origin. That the vast hordes called Goths
who overwhelmed Italy came from these Gothlands, it is inconsistent
with common sense to suppose. The whole coasts of the Baltic could
furnish no such masses of armed men now even, when they furnish
more subsistence for man.
* Gram is equivalent to grim, fierce.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 233
Varva was ravaged, and the strife saga i.
Was ended when the monarch's Hfe *"""
Was ended too — the great Dag fell
By the hay-fork of a base thrall ! "
Agne was the name of Dag's son, who was king Chapter
after him, — a powerful and celebrated man, expert, and of Agne.
exercised in all feats. It happened one summer that
King Agne went with his army to Finland, and landed
and marauded. The Finland people gathered a large
army, and proceeded to the strife under a chief called
Froste. There was a great battle, in which King
Agne gained the victory, and Froste fell there with
a great many of his people. King Agne proceeded
with armed hand through Finland, subdued it, and
made enormous booty. He took Froste' s daughter
Skialf, and her brother Loge, and carried them along
with him. When he sailed from the east he came to
land at Stokkasund*, and put up his tent on the flat
side of the river, where then there was a wood. King
Agne had at the time the gold ornament which had
belonged to Yisbur. He now married Skialf, and she
begged him to make a burial feast in honour of her
father. He invited a great many guests, and made a
great feast. He had become very celebrated by his
expedition, and there was a great drinking match.
Now when King Dag had got drunk, Skialf bade
him take care of his gold ornament which he had
about his neck; therefore he took hold of the orna-
ment, and bound it fast about his neck before he went
to sleep. The land-tent stood at the wood side, and a
high tree over the tent protected it against the heat of
the sun. Now when King Agne was asleep, Skialf
took a noose, and fastened it under the ornament.
Thereupon her men threw down the tent-poles, cast
the loop of the noose up in the branches of the tree,
* Stokksund is the sound or stream at Stockholm, between the
Mselare lake and the sea.
234 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I. and hauled upon it, so that the king was hanged close
under the branches and died ; and Skialf mth her
men ran down to their ships, and rowed away. King
Agne was buried upon the spot, which was afterwards
called Agneiit ; and it lies on the east side of the
Taurun, and west of Stokksund. Thiodolf speaks of
it thus : —
" How do ye like the high-souled maid,
Who, with the grim Fate-goddess' aid.
Avenged her sire ? — made Svithiod's king
Through air in golden halter swing ?
How do ye like her, Agne's men ?
Think ye that any chief again
Will court the fate your chief befell.
To ride on wooden horse to hell ?"
Chapter Thc SOUS of As^ne wcrc Called Alric and Eric, and
"WTTT
Of Alric were kings together after him. They were powerful
and Eric, men, great warriors, and expert at all feats of arms. It
was their custom to ride and break in horses both to
walk and to gallop, which nobody understood so well
as they ; and they vied with each other who could ride
best, and keep the best horses. It happened one day
that both the brothers rode out together alone, and at
a distance from their folloAvers, with their best horses,
and rode on to a field ; but never came back. The
people at last went out to look after them, and they
were both found dead with their heads crushed. As
they had no weapons, except it might be their horses'
bridles, people believed that they had killed each
otlier with them. So says Thiodolf : —
" Alric fell, by Eric slain,
Eric's life-blood dyed the plain.
Brother fell by brother's hand ;
And they tell it in the land.
That they worked the wicked deed
With the sharp bits that guide the steed.
Shall it be said of Frey's brave sons.
The kingly race, the noble ones,
That they have fought in deadly battle
With the head-gear of their cattle ? "
KINGS OF NOBWAY.
235
Alric's sons, Yngve and Alf, then succeeded to the
SAGA I.
kingly power in Sweden. Yngve was a great warrior, Chapteu
always victorious ; handsome, expert in all exercises, of Yngve
strong and very sharp in battle, generous and full of *"^ ^^*'-
mirth; so that he was both renowned and beloved.
Alf was a silent, harsh, unfriendly man, and sat at
home in the land, and never went out on war expe-
ditions. His mother was called Dagrid, a daughter
of King Dag the Great, from whom the family of
Daglingers are descended. King Alf had a wife
named Bera, who was the most agreeable of women,
very brisk and gay. One autumn Yngve, Alric's son,
had arrived at Upsal from a viking cruise by which
he was become very celebrated. He often sat long in
the evening at the drinking table ; but Alf went will-
ingly to bed very early. Queen Bera sat often till
late in the evening, and she and Ynge conversed to-
gether for their amusement; but Alf soon told her
that she should not sit up so late in the evening, but
should go first to bed, so as not to waken him. She
replied, that happy would be the woman who had
Yngve instead of Alf for her husband ; and as she
often repeated the same, he became very angry. One
evening Alf went into the hall, where Yngve and Bera
sat on the high seat speaking to each other. Yngve
had a short sword upon his knees, and the guests
were so drunk that they did not observe the king's
coming in. King Alf went straight to the high seat,
drew a sword from under his cloak, and pierced his
brother Yngve through and through. Yngve leaped
up, drew his short sword, and gave Alf his death-
wound ; so that both fell dead on the floor. Alf and
Yngve were buried under mounds in Fyrisvold.* Thus
tells Thiodolf of it : —
* Fyrisvellir are the plains around Upsal-water, on which there are
many mounds or tumuh.
236 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
I tell you of a horrid thing,
A deed of dreadful note I sing, —
How by false Bera, wicked queen.
The murderous brother-hands were seen
Each raised against a brother's hfe ;
How wretched Alf with bloody knife
Gored Ingve's heart, and Ingve's blade
Alf on the bloody threshold laid.
Can men resist Fate's iron laws ?
They slew each other without cause."
Chavter Hugleik was the name of King Alf 's son, who suc-
XXV
Of Hug- ceeded the two brothers in the kingdom of the Swedes,
leik. ^i^g gQj^g q£ Yngve being still children. King Hugleik
was no warrior, but sat quietly at home in his country.
He was very rich, but had still more the reputation
of being very greedy. He had at his court all sorts
of players, who played on harps, fiddles, and viols ;
and had mth him magicians, and all sorts of witches.
Hake and Hagberd were two brothers, very cele-
brated as sea-kings, who had a great force of men-
at-arms. Sometimes they cruised in company, some-
times each for himself, and many warriors folloA\ ed
them both. King Hake came with his troops to
Sweden against King Hugleik, who, on his side, col-
lected a great army to oppose him. Two brothers
came to his assistance, Svipdag and Geigad, both very
celebrated men, and powerful combatants. King
Hake had about him twelve champions, and among
them Starkod the Old ; and King Hake himself was a
murderous combatant. They met on Fyrisvold, and
there was a great battle, in which King Hugieik's
army was soon defeated. Then the combatants, Svip-
dag and Geigad, pressed forward manfully ; but Hake's
champions went six against one, and they were both
taken prisoners. Then King Hake penetrated within
the shield- circle* around King Hugleik, and killed
him and two of his sons within it. After this the
* A bulwark or covering of shields — the testudo of the Romans
seems always to have been formed round the king's person in battle.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 237
SAGA I.
Swedes fled; and King Hake subdued the country,
and became king of Sweden. He then sat quietly at
home for three years ; but during that time his com-
batants went abroad on viking expeditions, and ga-
thered property for themselves.
Jorund and Eric, the sons of Yno-ve Alricson, lay all Chapter
. . XXVI
this time in their war-ships, and were great warriors, xin^
One summer they marauded in Denmark, where they Cudiog's
met a King Gudlog, and had a battle with him, which
ended in their clearing Gudlog's ship and taking him
prisoner. They carried him to the land at Stromo-
ness, and hanged him there, and afterwards his men
raised a mound over him. So says Eyvind Skalda-
spiller : —
''■ By the fierce East-kings'* cruel pride,
Gudlog must on the wild horse ride —
The wildest horse you e'er did see :
'Tis Segur's steed — the gallows tree.
At Stromoness the tree did grow.
Where Gudlog's corpse waves on the bough.
A high stone stands on Stromo's heath,
To tell the gallant hero's death."
The brothers Eric and Jorund became more cele- Chapter
brated by this deed, and appeared to be much greater o"f Khii^"
men than before. When they heard that King Hake Hake. °
in Sweden had sent from him his champions, they
steered towards Sweden, and gathered together a
strong force. As soon as the Swedes heard that the
Ynglingers were come to them, they flocked to the
brothers in multitudes. The brothers proceeded up
the Maelare lake, and advanced towards Upsal against
King Hake, who came out against them on the Fyris-
vold with far fewer people. There was a great battle,
in which King Hake went forward so bravely that he
killed all who were nearest to him, and at last killed
King Eric, and cut down the banner of the two bro-
thers. King Jorund with all his men fled to their
* The Swedish kings Jorund and Eric, of Yngve's race, are said to
be of the East — as relative to Norway, from which Gudlog came.
238 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I. ships. King Hake had been so grievously wounded
that he saw his days could not be long ; so he ordered
a war-ship which he had to be loaded ^vith his dead
men and their weapons, and to be taken out to the
sea; the tiller to be shipped, and the sails hoisted.
Then he set fire to some tar- wood, and ordered a pile
to be made over it in the ship. Hake was almost if
not quite dead, when he was laid upon this pile of his.
The wind was blowing off the land, — the ship flew,
burning in clear flame, out between the islets, and
into the ocean. Great was the fame of this deed in
after times.
XXVI II Jorund, King Yngve's son, remained king at Upsal.
Jorund's He ruled the country ; but was often, in summer, out
on war expeditions. One summer he went with his
forces to Denmark ; and having plundered all around
in Jutland, he went into Lymfiord in autumn, and
marauded there also. While he was thus lying in
Oddosund with his people. King Gylog of Halogaland,
a son of King Gudlog, of whom mention is made be-
fore, came up with a great force, and gave battle to
Jorund. When the country people saw this they
swarmed from all parts towards the battle, in great
ships and small; and Jorund was overpowered by the
multitude, and his ships cleared of their men. He
sprang overboard, but was made prisoner and carried
to the. land. Gylog ordered a gallows to be erected,
led Jorund to it, and had him hanged there. So
ended his life. Thiodolf talks of this event thus : —
'' Jorund has travelled far and wide^
But the same horse he must bestride
On which he made brave Gudlog ride.
He too must for a necklace wear
Hagbert's* fell noose in middle air.
The army leader thus must ride
On Horva'sl horse, at Limfiord's side."
* Hagbert's noose — the gallows rope by which Hagbert was hanged.
•j" Horva, a sea-king, whose name is given also to Odin by the scalds.
Odin was the god of the hanged; and Odin's horse was a name for the
gallows.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 239
On or Ane was the name of Jorund's son, who saga i.
became king of the Swedes after his father. He was Chapter
a wise man, who made great sacrifices to the gods ; of Kin^
but, being no warrior, he Uved quietly at home. In ^^"^''«
the time when the kings we have been speaking of
were in Upsal, Denmark had been ruled over by Dan
Mikellati, who lived to a very great age ; then by his
son, Frode Mikellati, or the Peace-loving, who was
succeeded by his sons Half dan and Fridleif, who
were great warriors. Halfdan was older than his
brother, and above him in all things. He went with
his army against King On to Sweden, and was always
victorious. At last King On fled to Wester Gotland
when he had been king in Upsal about twenty-five
years, and was in Gotland twenty-five years, while
Halfdan remained king in Upsal. King Halfdan died
in his bed, and was buried there in a mound ; and King
On returned to Upsal when he was sixty years of age.
He made a great sacrifice, and in it ofiered up his son
to Odin. On got an answer from Odin, that he should
live sixty years longer; and he was afterwards king
in Upsal for twenty-five years. Now came Ole the
Bold, a son of King Fridleif, with his army to Sweden,
against King On, and they had several battles with
each other; but Ole was always the victor. Then
On fled a second time to Gotland ; and for twenty-five
years Ole reigned in Upsal, until he was killed by
Starkad the Old. After Ole's fall. On returned to
Upsal, and ruled the kingdom for twenty-five years.
Then he made a great sacrifice again for long life, in
which he sacrificed his second son, and received the
answer from Odin, that he should live as long as he
gave him one of his sons every tenth year, and also
that he should name one of the districts of his country
after the number of sons he should ofi^er to Odin.
When he had sacrificed the seventh of his sons he
continued to live ; but so that he could not walk, but
240 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I. ^vas carried on a chair. Then he sacrificed his eighth
son, and lived thereafter ten years, lying in his bed.
Now he sacrificed his ninth son, and lived ten years
more ; but so that he drank out of a horn like a weaned
infant. He had now only one son remaining, whom
he also wanted to sacrifice, and to give Odin Upsal
and the domains thereunto belonging, under the name
of the Ten Lands, but the Swedes would not allow
it ; so there was no sacrifice, and King On died, and
was buried in a mound at Upsal. Since that time it
is called On's sickness when a man dies, without pain,
of extreme old age. Thiodolf tells of this : —
" In Upsal's town the cruel king
Slaughtered his sons at Odin's shrine —
Slaughtered his sons with cruel knife,
To get from Odin length of life.
He lived until he had to turn
His toothless mouth to the deer's horn ;
And he who shed his children's blood
Sucked through the ox's horn his food.
At length fell Death has tracked him down.
Slowly, but sure,, in Upsal's town."
Chapter Egil was tlic uamc of Ou the Old's son, who suc-
ofE^u ceeded as king in Sweden after his father's death,
and Tunne. jJc was uo warrior, but sat quietly at home. Tunne
w^as the name of a slave who had been the counsellor
and treasurer of On the Old ; and when On died
Tunne took much treasure and buried it in the earth.
Now when Egil became king he put Tunne among
the other slaves, which he took very ill and ran away
Avith others of the slaves. They dug up the treasures
which Tunne had concealed, and he gave them to his
men, and was made their chief. Afterwards many
malefactors flocked to him ; and they lay out in the
woods, but sometimes fell upon the domains, pillaging
and kilhng the people. When King Egil heard this,
he went out with his forces to pursue them ; but one
night when he had taken up his night quarters, Tunne
came there with his men, fell on the king's men unex-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 241
pectedly, and killed many of them. As soon as King saga l
Egil perceived the tumult, he prepared for defence,
and set up his banner ; but many people deserted
him, because Tunne and his men attacked them so
boldly, and King Egil saw that nothing was left but
to fly. Tunne pursued the fugitives into the forest,
and then returned to the inhabited land, ravaging
and plundering without resistance. All the goods
that fell into Tuime's hands he gave to his ] eople, and
thus became popular and strong in men. King Egil
assembled an army again, and hastened to give battle
to Tunne. But Tunne was again victorious, and King
Egil fled with the loss of many people. Egil and
Tunne had eight battles with each other, and Tunne
always gained the victory. Then King Egil fled out
of the country, and went to Sealand in Denmark, to
Erode the Bold, and promised him a scatt from the
Swedes to obtain help. Erode gave him an army,
and also his champions, with which force King Egil
repaired to Sweden. When Tunne heard this he
came out to meet him ; and there was a great battle,
in which Tunne fell, and King Egil recovered his
kingdom, and the Danes returned home. King Egil
sent King Erode great and good presents every year,
but he paid no scatt to the Danes ; but notwithstand-
ing the friendship between Egil and Erode continued
without interruption. After Tunne' s fall, Egil ruled
the kingdom for three years. It happened in Sweden
that an old bull, which was destined for sacrifice, was
fed so high that he became dangerous to people; and
Avhen they were going to lay hold of him he escaped
into the woods, became furious, and Avas long in the
forest committing great damage to the country. King
Egil was a great hunter, and often rode into the
forest to chase wild animals. Once he rode out with
his men to hunt in the forest. The king had traced
an animal a long while, and followed it in the forest,
VOL. I. R
242 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I. separated from all his men. He observed at last that
it was the bull, and rode up to it to kill it. The bull
turned round suddenly, and the king struck him with
his spear ; but it tore itself out of the wound. The
bull now struck his horn in the side of the horse, so
that he instantly fell flat on the earth with the king.
The king sprang up, and was drawing his sword,
when the bull struck his horns right into the king's
breast. The king's men then came up and killed the
bull. The king lived but a short time, and was buried
in a mound at Upsal. Thiodolf sings of it thus : —
" The fair-haired son of Odin's race,
Who fled before fierce Tunne's face,
Has perished by the demon-beast
Who roams the forests of the East.
The hero's breast met the full brunt
Of the wild bull's shaggy front ;
The hero's heart's asunder torn
By the fell Jotun's spear-like horn."
Chapter Ottar was the uamc of Kin^r E^^il's son who suc-
XXXI.
Of King ceeded to the domains and kingdom after him. He
^"^^' did not continue friendly wdth King Erode, and there-
fore King Erode sent messengers to King Ottar to
demand the scatt which Egil had promised him.
Ottar replied, that the Swedes had never paid scatt
to the Danes, neither would he ; and the messengers
had to depart with this answer. Erode was a great
warrior ; and he came one summer Avith his army to
Sweden, and landed and ravaged the country. He
killed many people, took some prisoners, burned all
around in the inhabited parts, made a great booty,
and made great devastation. The next summer King
Erode made an expedition to the eastward ; and when
King Ottar heard that Erode was not at home in his
own country, he went on board his own ships, sailed
over to Denmark, and ravaged there mthout oppo-
sition. As he heard that a great many people were
collected at Sealand, he proceeds westward to the
KINGS OF NORWAY. 243
Sound, and sails north about to Jutland ; lands at saga i.
Lymfiord ; plunders the Vend district * ; burns, and
lays waste, and makes desolate the country he goes
over with his army. Yixtte and Faste were the names
of the earls whom Frode had appointed to defend the
country in Denmark while he was abroad. When
the earls heard that the Swedish king was laying
waste Denmark, they collected an army, hastened on
board their ships, and sailed by the south side to
Lymfiord. They came unexpectedly upon Ottar, and
the battle began immediately. The Swedes gave
them a good reception, and many people fell on both
sides ; but as soon as men fell in the Danish army
other men hastened from the country to fill their
places, and also all the vessels in the neighbourhood
joined them. The battle ended with the fall of Ottar
and the greater part of his people. The Danes took
his body, carried it to the land, laid it upon a mound
of earth, and let the wild beasts and ravens tear it to
pieces. Thereafter they made a figure of a crow out
of wood, sent it to Sweden, and sent word with it that
their king, Ottar, was no better than it ; and from this
he was called Ottar Yendelcrow. Thiodolf tells so
of it : —
" By Danish arms the hero bold,
Ottar the Brave, lies stiff and cold.
To Vendel's plain the corpse was borne ;
By eagles' claws the corpse is torn.
Spattered by ravens' bloody feet,
The wild bird's prey, the wild wolf's meat.
The Swedes have vowed revenge to take
On Frode's earls, for Ottar's sake ;
Like dogs to kill them in their land.
In their own homes, by Swedish hand."
Adils was the name of Kino; Ottar's son and sue- Chapter
XXXII
cessor. He was a long time king, became very rich, of Ki
and went also for several summers on viking expe-
* Vendill, the part of Jutland north of Lymfiord.
R 2
ing
Adils' mar-
riaffe.
244
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
XXXIII.
Of King
Adils'
death.
(litions. On one of these he came to Saxonland with
his troops. There a king was reigning, called Geir-
thiof, and his wife was called Alof the Great; but
nothing is told of their children. The king was not
at home, and Adils and his men ran up to the king's
house and plundered it, while others drove a herd of
cattle down to the strand.* The herd was attended
by slave-people, carls and girls, and they took all
of them together. Among them was a remarkably
beautiful girl called Yrsa. Adils returned home with
this plunder. Yrsa was not one of the slave girls,
and it was soon observed that she was intelligent,
spoke well, and in all respects was well behaved.
All people thought well of her, and particularly the
king ; and at last it came to so far that the king cele-
brated his wedding with her, and Yrsa became queen
of Sweden, and was considered an excellent woman.
King Halfdan's son Helge ruled at that time over
Leidre. He came to Sweden with so great an army,
that King Adils saw no other way than to fly at
once. King Helge landed with his army, plundered,
and made a great booty. He took Queen Yrsa pri-
soner, carried her with him to Leidre, took her to
mfe, and had a son by her called Rolf Krake. When
Rolf was three years old. Queen Alof came to Den-
mark, and told Queen Yrsa that her husbaiid, King
Helge, was her own father, and that she, Alof, was
her mother. Thereupon Yrsa went back to Sweden
to King Adils, and was queen there as long as she
* The ordinary way, with the vikings^ of victualling their ships^ was
driving cattle down to the strand and killing them, without regard to
the property of friends or enemies ; and this was so established a prac-
tice that it was expressed in a single word, '' strandhug." King
Harald Haarfager had prohibited the strandhug being committed in his
own dominions by his own subjects on their viking cruises ; and Rolf
Ganger, the son of the Earl of More, having, notwithstanding, landed and
made a strandhug in the South of Norway, where the king happened
to be, was outlawed ; and he in consequence set out on an expedition_,
in which he conquered and settled in Normandy.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 245
lived. King Ilelge fell in a war expedition ; and Rolf saga i.
Krake, who was then eight years old, was taken to be
king in Leidre. King Adils had many disputes with
a king called Ali of the Uplands ; and these kings
had a battle on the ice of the Yenner lake, in which
Kino: Ali fell, and Kino^ Adils won the battle. There
is a long account of this battle in the Skioldunga
Saga, and also about Rolf Krake' s coming to Adils,
and sowing gold upon the Fyrisvold. King Adils
was a great lover of good horses, and had the best
horses of these times. One of his horses was called
Slongvir, and another Raven. This horse he had
taken from Ali on his death, and bred from him a
horse, also called Raven, which the king sent in a
present to King Godgest in Halogaland. When God-
gest mounted the horse he was not able to manage
him, and fell off, and was killed. This accident hap-
pened at Omd in Halogaland.* King Adils was at
a Disaf sacrifice ; and as he rode around the Disa hall
his horse Raven stumbled and fell, and the king was
thrown forward upon his head, and his scull was split,
and his brains dashed out against a stone. Adils died
at Upsal, and was buried there in a mound. The
Swedes called him a great king. Thiodolf speaks
thus of him : —
^' Witch-demons, I have heard men say,
Have taken Adils' life away.
The son of kings of Frey's great race,
P'irst in the fray, the fight, the chase.
Fell from his steed — his clotted brains
Lie mixed with mire on Upsal's plains.
Such death (grim Fate has willed it so)
Has struck down All's deadly foe."
* Halogaland is the province of Norway now called Nordland, ex-
tending from the Namsin river north to Westfiord, where it joins the
province of Finmark.
•j" Disar was the name given to the goddesses of the northern mytho-
logy ; and Disa is supposed to have been Freya, in whose honour a
great sacrifice, called Disa Blot, was held in mid- winter.
R 3
246
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
XXXIV.
Rolf
Krake's
death.
Chapter
XXXV.
Of Eystein
and the
Jutland
king Solve.
Eystein, King Adils' son, ruled next over Sweden,
and in his lifetime Rolf Krake of Leidre fell. In
those days many kings, both Danes and Northmen,
ravaged the Swedish dominions ; for there were many
sea-kings who ruled over many people, but had no
lands, and he might well be called a sea-king who
never slept beneath sooty roof- timbers.
There was a sea-king called Solve, a son of Hogne
of Niardo*, who at that time plundered in the Baltic,
but had his dominion in Jutland. He came with his
forces to Sweden, just as King Eystein was at a feast
in a district called Lofond.f Solve came unexpectedly
in the night on Eystein, surrounded the house in
which the king was, and burned him and all his court.
Then Solve went to Sigtun, and desired that the Swedes
should receive him, and give him the title of king;
but they collected an army, and tried to defend the
country against him, on which there was a great battle,
that lasted, according to report, eleven days. There
King Solve was victorious, and was afterwards king
of the Swedish dominions for a long time, until at last
the Swedes betrayed him, and he was killed. Thiodolf
tells of it thus : —
Chapter
XXXVI.
Of Yng-
var's fall.
'^ For a long time none could tell
How Eystein died — but now I know
That at Lofond the hero fell ;
The branch of Odin was laid low.
Was burnt by Solve's Jutland men.
The raging tree-devourer fire
Rushed on the monarch in its ire ;
First fell the castle timbers, then
The roof-beams — Eystein's funeral pyre."
Yngvar, who was King Eystein's son, then became
king of Sweden. He was a great warrior, and often
lay out with his war-ships ; for the SAvedish dominions
* Niardo, an island in North Drontheim district,
■f Lofond, an isle in the Maelare lake, on which the palace of Drott-
ningholm now stands.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 247
were much ransacked then by Danes and East-country saga i.
men. King Yngvar made a peace with the Danes ;
but betook himself to ravaging the East country in
return. One summer he went with his forces to
Esthonia, and plundered at a place called Stein. The
Esthonians came down from the interior with a great
army, and there was a battle ; but the army of the
country was so brave that the Swedes could not with-
stand them, and King Yngvar fell, and his people
fled. He was buried close to the sea-shore under a
mound, and after this defeat the S^vedes returned
home. Thiodolf sings of it thus : —
" Certain it is the Esthland foe
The fair-haired Swedish king laid low.
On Esthland's strand, o'er Swedish graves.
The East Sea sings her song of waves ;
King Yngvar's dirge is ocean's roar
Resounding on the rock-ribbed shore."
Onund was the name of Yngvar's son who sue- chapter
ceeded him. In his days there was peace in Sweden, ofo^iLV'
and he became rich in valuable goods. King Onund the Land-
went with his army to Esthonia to avenge his father,
and landed and ravaged the country round far and
wide, and returned with a great booty in autumn to
Sweden. In his time there were fruitful seasons in
SAveden, so that he was one of the most popular of
kings. Sweden is a great forest land, and there are
such great uninhabited forests in it that it is a journey
of many days to cross them. Onund bestowed great
diligence and expense on clearing the woods and cul-
tivating the cleared land. He made roads through
the desert forests ; and thus cleared land is found all
through the forest country, and great districts are
settled. In this way extensive tracts of land were
brought into cultivation, for there were country people
enough to cultivate the land. Onund had roads made
through all Sweden, both through forests and mo-
R 4
248 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I. rasses, and also over mountains ; and he was therefore
called Onund Roadmaker. He had a house built for
himself in every district of Sweden, and went over
the whole country in guest-quarters.*
Chapter Onuud had a SOU Called Ingiald, and at that time
Ofingiaid Yngvar was king of the district of Fiadryndaland.
Yngvar had two sons by his wife, — the one called Alf,
the other Agnar, — who were about the same age as
Ingiald. Onund' s district-kings were at that time
spread widely over Sweden, and Svipdag the Blind
ruled over Fiundaland, in which Upsal is situated,
and where all the Swedish Things are held. There
also were held the mid-winter sacrifices, at which
many kings attended. One year at mid-mnter there
was a great assembly of people at Upsal, and King
Yngvar had also come there with his sons. Alf,
King Yngvar's son, and Ingiald, King Onund's son,
were there, — both about six years old. They amused
themselves with child's play, in which each should be
leading on his army. In their play Ingiald found
himself not so strong as Alf, and was so vexed that
he almost cried. His foster-brother Gautvid came
up, led him to his foster-father Svipdag the Blind,
and told him how ill it appeared that he was weaker
and less manly than Alf, King Yngvar's son. Svipdad
replied that it Avas a great shame. The day after
Svipdag took the heart of a wolf, roasted it on the
tongs, and gave it to the king's son Ingiald to eat,
and from that time he became a most ferocious per-
son, and of the worst disposition. When Ingiald was
grown up, Onund applied for him to King Algaut for
his daughter Gautheld. Algaut was a son of Gautrek
* This continued to be the ordinary way of subsisting the kings and
court in Norway for many generations. In Sweden the kings appear to
have had a fixed residence at Upsal, and in Denmark at Leidre and
Odinso ; while in Norway they appear to have lived always in royal
progresses through the districts in turns, without any palace, castle, or
fixed abode.
Onund's
death.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 249
the Mild, and grandson of Gaut ; and from them Got- s.\ga^t.
land* took its name. King Algaut thought his daugh-
ter would be well married if she got King Onund's
son, and if he had his father's disposition ; so the girl
was sent to Sweden, and King Ingiald celebrated his
wedding; with her in due time.
Kinjj: Onund one autumn, travelling: between his Chapter
. XXXIX
mansion-houses, came over a road called Himmen- or King
heath, where there are some narrow mountain valleys,
with high mountains on both sides. There was heavy
rain at the time, and before there had been snow on
the mountains. A landslip of clay and stones came
down upon King Onund and his people, and there he
met his death, and many mth him.f So says Thiodolf ;
namely, —
'^ We all have heard how Jonkur's^ sons^
Whom weapons could not touch, with stones
Were stoned to death — in open day.
King Onund died in the same way.
Or else perhaps the wood-grown land.
Which long had felt his conquering hand.
Uprose at length in deadly strife.
And pressed out Onund's hated life."
Then Ingiald, King Onund's son, came to the king- Chapter
dom. The Upsal kings were the highest in Sweden The bum-
among the many district-kings who had been since
the time that Odin was chief. The kings who resided
at Upsal had been the supreme chiefs over the whole
Swedish dominions until the death of Agne, when, as
* This derivation of the name Gothland, given to the small king-
doms in Sweden called East and West Gothland, and the island of
Gothland, from the name of a chief, does away with a great deal of
absurd speculation that these small districts were the original seats of
the mighty people called Goths who overwhelmed the Roman empire,
■j" It is said there is a mound, called Onund's Hog, in the barony of
Siunde in Westmanland, where this accident occurred.
^ Jonakur was a king in the Edda whose sons were stoned to death,
because steel weapons could not wound them. The meaning is, that
Onund was killed in the same way by stones — which the earth may
have showered down upon him for his cutting down wood and improv-
ing land.
ing in
Upsal.
250 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
before related, the kingdom came to be divided be-
tween brothers. After that time the dominions and
kingly powers were spread among the branches of the
family as these increased; but some kings cleared
great tracts of forest-land, and settled them, and
thereby increased their domains. Now when Ingiald
took the dominions and the kingdom of his father,
there were, as before said, many district-kings. King
Ingiald ordered a great feast to be prepared in Upsal,
and intended to enter at it on his heritage after King
Onund his father. He had a large hall made ready
for the occasion, — one not less, nor less sumptuous,
than that of Upsal ; and this hall was called the Seven
Kings Hall, and in it were seven high seats for kings.
Then King Ingiald sent men all through Sweden, and
invited to his feast kings, earls, and other men of con-
sequence. To this heir-feast came King Algaut, his
father-in-law ; Yngvar king of Fiadryndaland, with his
two sons, Alf and Agnar ; King Spossniall of Nerike ;
King Sighvat of Aattundaland : but Granmar king of
Sondermanland did not come. Six kings were placed
in the seats in the new hall ; but one of the high seats
which Ingiald had prepared was empty. All the per-
sons who had come got places in the new hall ; but
to his own court, and the rest of his people, he had
appointed places at Upsal. It was the custom at that
time that he who gave an heirship-feast after kings or
earls, and entered upon the heritage, should sit upon
the footstool in front of the high seat, until the full
bowl, which was called the Braga-bowl, was brought
in. Then he should stand up, take the braga-bowl,
make solemn vows to be afterwards fulfilled, and
thereupon empty the bowl. Then he should ascend
the high seat which his father had occupied; and thus
he came to the full heritage after his father. Now it
was done so on this occasion. When the full braga-
bowl came in. King Ingiald stood up, grasped a large
KINGS OF NORWAY. 251
bull's horn, and made a solemn vow to enlarge his s-\ga^i.
dominions by one half, towards all the four corners of
the world, or die ; and thereupon pointed with the
horn to the four quarters. Now when the guests had
become drunk towards evening King Ingiald told
Svipdag's sons, Folkvid and Hylvid, to arm them-
selves and their men, as had before been settled ; and
accordingly they went out, and came up to the new
hall, and set fire to it. The hall was soon in a blaze,
and the six kings, with all their people, were burned in
it. Those who tried to come out were killed. Then
King Ingiald laid all the dominions these kings had
possessed under himself, and took scatt from them.
When Kino^ Granmar heard the news of this Chapter
... XLI
treachery, he thought the same lot awaited him if he of iiior-
did not take care. The same summer Kino; Hiorvard, ^^''^''* "^^^-
o ' riage.
Avho was a son of Ylfing, came with his fleet to
Sweden, and went into a fiord called Myrkva-fiord.*
When King Granmar heard this he sent a messenger
to him to invite him and all his men to a feast. He
accepted it wilhngly; for he had never committed
Avaste in King Granmar's dominions. When he came
to the feast he was gladly welcomed. In the evening,
when the full bowls went round, as was the custom
of kings when they were at home, or in the feasts
they ordered to be made, they drank together, the
man and woman with each other in pairs, and the
rest of the company drank all round in one set. But
it was the law among the vikings that all who were
at the entertainment should drink together in one
company all round. King Hiorvard' s high seat was
placed right opposite to King Granmar's high seat,
and on the same bench sat all his men. King Granmar
told his daughter Hildigunna, who was a remarkably
beautiful girl, to make ready to carry ale to the vikings.
* Now Moikofiord, in Sodermanland province.
252
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
XLII.
War be-
tween In-
giald and
Granmar
and Hior-
vard.
Thereupon she took a silver goblet, filled it, bowed
before King Hiorvard, and said, " Success to all
Ylfingers : this cup to the memory of Rolf Krake," —
drank out the half, and handed the cup to King
Hiorvard. He took the cup, and took her hand, and
said she must sit beside him. She says, that is not
viking fashion to drink two and two with women.
Hiorvard replies, that it were better for him to make
a change, and leave the viking law, and drink in com-
pany Avith her. Then Hildigunne sat down beside
him, and both drank together, and spoke a great deal
with each other during the evening. The next day,
when King Granmar and Hiorvard met, Hiorvard
spoke of his courtship, and asked to have Hildigunne
in marriage. King Granmar laid this proposal before
his wife Hilda, and before people of consequence,
saying they would have great help and trust in Hior-
vard ; and all approved of it highly, and thought it
very advisable. And the end was, that Hildigunne
was promised to Hiorvard, and the wedding followed
soon after ; and King Hiorvard staid with King Gran-
mar, who had no sons, to help him to defend his
dominions.
The same autumn King Ingiald collected a war-
force, wdth which he intended to fall upon these two
relations ; but when they heard it they also collected
a force, and Hogne, who ruled over East Gotland,
together with his son Hildur, came to their assistance.
Hogne was father of Hilda, who was married to King
Granmar. King Ingiald landed with his army, w^hich
was by far the most numerous. A battle began,
which was very sharp ; but after it had lasted a short
time, the chiefs who ruled over Fiadryndaland, West
Gotland, Nerike, and Aatundaland, took to flight with
all the men from those countries, and hastened to
their ships. This placed King Ingiald in great danger,
and he received many wounds, but escaped by flight
KINGS or NORWAY. 253
to his ships. Svipdag the Blind, IngiakVs foster- saga r.
father, together with his sons, Gautvid and Hylvid,
fell. Ingiald returned to Upsal, very ill satisfied with
his expedition ; and he thought the army levied from
those countries he had acquired by conquest had been
unfaithful to him. There was great hostility after-
wards between King Ingiald and King Granmar, and
his son-in-law King Hiorvard; and after this had con-
tinued a long time the friends of both parties brought
about a reconciliation. The king appointed a meeting,
and concluded a peace. This peace was to endure as
long as the three kings lived, and this was confirmed
by oath and promises of fidelity. The spring after
King Granmar went to Upsal to make offering, as
usual, for a steady peace. Then the foreboding turned
out for him so that it did not promise him long life,
and he returned to his dominions.
The autumn after, Kino; Granmar and his son-in- Chapter
. . XLIII
law Hiorvard went to a feast at one of their farms in Death of'
the island Sili.* When they were at the entertain- *J?^ ^"^s^
ment, King Ingiald came there in the night with and Hior-
his troops, surrounded the house, and burnt them in
it, with all their men. Then he took to himself all
the country these kings had possessed, and placed
chiefs over it. King Hogiie and his son Hillder often
made inroads on horseback into the Swedish domi-
nions, and killed King Ingiald's men, whom he had
placed over the kingdom which had belonged to their
relation Granmar. This strife between King Ingiald
and King Hogne continued for a long time ; but King
Hogne defended his kingdom against King Ingiald to
his dying day. King Ingiald had two children by
his wife ; — the eldest called Aasa, the other Olaf.
Gauthild, the wife of Ingiald, sent the boy to his
foster-father Bove, in West Gotland, where he was
* Now Saela isle, in the Maelare lake.
254
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
XLIV.
brought up along with Savre, Bove's son, who had
the surname of Flettir. It was a common saymg that
King Ingiald had killed twelve kings, and deceived
them all under pretence of peace; therefore he was
called Ingiald the Evil-adviser. He was king over
the greater part of Sweden. He married his daughter
Aasa to Gudrod king of Scania ; and she was like her
father in disposition. Aasa brought it about that
Gudrod killed his brother Halfdan, father of Ivar
Vidfadme ; and also she brought about the death of
her husband Gudrod, and then fled to her father;
and she thus got the name also of Aasa the Evil-
adviser.
Ivar Vidfadme came to Scania after the fall of his
ofiiigkid imcle Gudrod, and collected an army in all haste, and
the Bad's movcd with it into Sweden. Aasa had gone to her
death. . . .
father before. King Ingiald was at a feast inRsening*,
when he heard that King Ivar's army was in the
neighbourhood. Ingiald thought he had not strength
to go into battle against Ivar, and he saw well that if
he betook himself to flight his enemies would swarm
around him from all corners. He and Aasa took a
resolution which has become celebrated. They drank
until all their people were dead drunk, and then put
fire to the hall ; and it was consumed, with all who
were in it, including themselves, King Ingiald, and
Aasa. Thus says Thiodolf: —
" AVith fiery feet devouring flame
Has hunted down a royal game
At Raening, where King Ingiald gave
To all his men one glowing grave.
On his own hearth the fire he raised,
A deed his foemen even praised ;
By his own hand he perished so,
And life for freedom did forego."
* Ranninge, a village in Fogd isle, in the Maelare lake, is supposed
to have been the Raening of the saga. A large circle of stones, or a
wall, remains, still called Ranningsborg, on a heath.
XLV.
Of Ivar.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 255
Ivar Viclfadme subdued the whole of Sweden. He saoa i.
brought in subjection to himself all the Danish do- chapter
minions, a great deal of Saxonland, all the East
country, and a fifth part of England. From his race
the kings of Sweden and Denmark who have had the
supreme authority in those countries, are descended.
After Ingiald the Evil-adviser the Upsal dominion
fell from the Yngve race, notwithstanding the length
of time they could reckon up the series of their fore-
fathers.
When Olaf, King IngiakVs son, heard of his father's xlv^
end, he went, with the men who chose to follow him, of oiaf
to Nerike ; for all the Swedish community rose with feUer/'^^"
one accord to drive out Ingiald' s family and all its
friends. Now, when the Swedes got intelligence of
him he could not remain there, but went on west-
wards, through the forest, to a river which comes
from the north and falls into the Venner lake, and
is called Klar River. There they sat themselves
down, turned to, and cleared the woods, burnt, and
then settled there. Soon there Avere great districts,
which altogether were called Vermeland ; and a good
living was to be made there. Now when it was told
of Olaf, in Sweden, that he was clearing the forests,
they laughed at his proceedings, and called him the
Tree-feller. Olaf got a wife called Solva, or Solveig,
a daughter of Halfdan Guldtand, westward in Soloer
Islands.* Halfdan was a son of Solve Solvesson, who
was a son of Solve the Old, who first settled on these
islands. Olaf Tree-feller's mother was called Gauthild,
and her mother was Alofa, daughter of Olaf Skygne,
king in Nerike. Olaf and Solva had two sons, Ingiald
and Halfdan. Halfdan was brought up in Soloer
Isles, in the house of his mother's brother Solve, and
was called Halfdan Huitbein.
* Soleyar was a district comprehending some of the continent, as well
as the group of islands now called Soloer.
256
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
XLVII.
Olaf the
Tree-feller
burned.
Chapter
XLviir.
Halfdan
Huitbein
made king.
There were a great many people who fled the coun-
try from SAveden, on account of King Ivar ; and when
they heard that King Olaf had got good lands in
Yermeland, so great a number came there to him
that the land could not support them. Then there
came dear times and famine, which they ascribed to
their king ; as the Swedes used always to reckon good
or bad crops for or against their kings. The Swedes
took it amiss that Olaf was sparing in his sacrifices,
and believed the dear times must proceed from this
cause. The Swedes therefore gathered together troops,
made an expedition against King Olaf, surrounded his
house, and burnt him in it, giving him to Odin as a
sacrifice for good crops. This happened at the Venner
lake. Thus tells Thiodolf of it : —
" The temple wolf*, by the lake shores.
The corpse of Olaf now devours.
The clearer of the forests j" died
At Odin's shrine by the lake side.
The glowing flames stripped to the skin
The royal robes from the Swedes' king.
Thus Olaf, famed in days of yore.
Vanished from earth at Venner's shore."
Those of the S^vedes who had more understanding
found that the dear times proceeded from there being
a greater number of people on the land than it could
support, and that the king could not be blamed for
this. They took the resolution, therefore, to cross the
Eida forest J with all their men, and came quite un-
expectedly into Soloer, where they put to death King
Solve, and took Halfdan Huitbein prisoner, and made
him their chief, and gave him the title of king.
Thereupon he subdued Soloer, and proceeding with
his army into Raumarige, plundered there, and laid
that district also in subjection by force of arms.
* The temple wolf — the fire which devoured the body of Olaf.
t Olaf was called the Tree-feller.
1 Eydiskogr, a great uninhabited forest, which then, and to a late
period, covered the frontier of Norway towards Sweden on the south.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 257
Halfdan Huitbein became a great king. He was saga i.
married to Asa, a daughter of Eystein the Severe, Chaiter,
who was king of the Upland people, and ruled over ofulman
Hedemark. Halfdan and Asa had two sons, Eystein Huitbein.
and Gudrod. Halfdan subdued a great part of Hede-
mark, Thoten, Hadeland, and much of Westfold.*
He lived to be an old man, and died in his bed at
Thoten, from whence his body was transported to
Westfold, and was buried under a mound at a place
called Ska3rid, at Skiringsall.f So says Thiodolf: —
" Halfdan, esteemed by friends and foes.
Receives at last life's deep repose :
The aged man at last, though late.
Yielded in Thoten to stern fate.
At Skiringsal hangs o'er his grave
A rock, that seems to mourn the brave.
Halfdan, to chiefs and people dear.
Received from all a silent tear."
Ingiald, Halfdan's brother, was king of Ya3rmeland ; Chapter
but after his death King Halfdan took possession of of iJ^iaid
Vaarmeland, raised scatt from it, and placed earls over brother of
. , -i ITT Halfdan.
it as long as he lived.
Eystein, Halfdan Huitbein's son, became king after Chapter
in Raumarige and Westfold. He was married to ofKi'ng
Hilde, a dau2:hter of Eric A2:narson, who was kine: in Eystein's
. ^ death
Westfold. Agnar, Eric's father, was a son of Sigtryg,
* Hedemark, Thoten, Hadeland, Westfold, and the Uplands or High-
lands, are all districts in Norway, and in the south of Norway ; except
the Uplands, which apparently included the upper parts of the valleys
of which the waters flow northwards from the dividing ridge, the
Dovrefield.
j" Skiringssalr is rather a place of note. It is called " Sciringeshael '*
in the Voyage of Ottar of Halogaland, written by our King Alfred in
the end of the 9th century, and the most learned antiquaries have been
puzzled where to look for it. Scania, the neighbourhood of Stockholm,
and even Prussia, have been considered the true locality of this ancient
seat of trade. The Norwegian antiquary Jacob Aal, in his translation
of Snorro, places Skiringssalr in Westfold, in Tiolling parish, in the
bailiwick of Laurvig; and the situation, access, ancient names, and
remains of tumuli around, make this the probable site of the merchant
town of Sciringshael.
VOL. I. S
258 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I. king in the Vend district. King Eric had no son, and
died while King Halfdan Huitbein was still in life.
The father and son, Halfdan and Ey stein, then took
possession of the whole of Westfold, which Eystein
ruled over as long as he lived. At that time there
lived at Yarna a king called Skiold, who was a great
warlock. King Eystein went with some ships of war
to Varna, plundered there, and carried away all he
could find of clothes or other valuables, and of pea-
sants' stock, and killed cattle on the strand for pro-
vision, and then went off. King Skiold came to the
strand with his army, just as Eystein was at such a
distance over the fiord that King Skiold could only
see his sails. Then he took his cloak, waved it, and
blew into it. King Eystein was sitting at the helm
as they sailed within the Earl Isles, and another ship
was sailing at the side of his, when there came a stroke
of a wave, by which the boom of the other ship struck
the king and threw him overboard, which proved his
death. His men fished up his body, and it was car-
ried into Borre, where a mound was thrown up over
it, upon a cleared field out towards the sea at Vodle.*
So says Thiodolf: —
" King Eystein sat upon the poop
Of his good ship : with sudden swoop
The swinging boom dashed him to hell.
And fathoms deep the hero fell
Beneath the brine. The fury whirl
Of Lokkef, Tempest's brother's girl,
Grim Haele, clutched his soul away;
And now where Vodle's ocean bay
Receives the ice-cold stream, the grave
Of Eystein stands, — the good, the brave ! "
* Now the farm Void, on which the mounds of Eystein and his son
Halfdan and others still remain. It adjoins Borre, about six miles from
Tunsberg.
f Lokke (the evil principle) was brother of Bileister, the god of
tempests ; and Lokke' s daughter was Haele, — from which probably our
word Hell, the abode of evil spirits, is derived.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 259
Halfdan was the name of King Eystein's son who saga i.
succeeded him. He was called Halfdan the Mild, but Chapter
the Bad Entertainer; that is to say, he was reported of^jaif-
to be generous, and to give his men as much gold as ^an the
other kings gave of silver, but he starved them in
their diet. He was a great warrior, who had been
long on viking cruises, and had collected great pro-
perty. He was married to Hlif, a daughter of King
Dag of Westmor. Holtar, in Westfold, was his chief
house ; and he died there on the bed of sickness, and
was buried at Borre under a mound. So says
Thiodolf : —
'^ By Hsele's summons, a great king
Was called away to Odin's Thing:
King Halfdan, he who dwelt of late
At Holtar, must obey grim Fate.
At Borre, in the royal mound.
They laid the hero in the ground."
Gudrod, Halfdan's son, succeeded. He was called Chapter
. LIII
Gudrod the Magnificent, and also Gudrod the Hunter, of Gudrod
He was married to Alf hild, a daughter of King Alfarin *^^ Hunter,
of Alf heim, and got with her half the district of Yin-
gulmark. Their son Olaf was afterwards called
Geirstad-Alf. Alfheim, at that time, was the name
of the land between the Glommen and Gotha rivers.
Now when Alf hild died. King Gudrod sent his men
west to Agder to the king who ruled there, and who
was called Harald Redbeard. They were to make
proposals to his daughter Aasa upon the king's ac-
count; but Harald declined the match, and the am-
bassadors returned to the king, and told him the
result of their errand. Soon after King Gudrod hove
down his ships into the water, and proceeded with
a great force in them to Agder. He immediately
landed, and came altogether unexpectedly, at night,
to King Harald' s house. When Harald was aware
that an army was at hand, he went out with the men
s 2
260
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA I.
Chapter
LIV.
Of King
Olaf's
death.
he had about him, and there was a great battle, al-
though he wanted men so much. King Harald and
his son Gyrder fell, and King Gudrod took a great
booty. He carried away with him Aasa, King Ha-
rald's daughter, and had a wedding with her. They
had a son by their marriage called Halfdan ; and the
autumn that Halfdan was a year old Gudrod went
upon a round of feasts. He lay Avith his ship in Stifle-
sound, where they had been drinking hard, so that
the king was very tipsy. In the evening, about dark,
the king left the ship ; and when he had got to the
end of the gangway from the ship to the shore*, a
man ran against him, thrust a spear through him,
and killed him. The man was instantly put to death,
and in the morning when it was light the man was
discovered to be Aasa's footboy : nor did she conceal
that it was done by her orders. Thus tells Thiodolf
of it: —
" Gudrod is gone to his long rest.
Despite of all his haughty pride, —
A traitor's spear has pierced his side :
For Aasa cherished in her breast
Revenge ; and as, by wine opprest.
The hero staggered from his ship,
The cruel queen her thrall let slip
To do the deed of which I sing :
And now the far-descended king.
At Stifflesund, in the old bed
Of the old Gudrod race, lies dead."
Olaf came to the kingdom after his father. He was
a great warrior, and an able man ; and was besides
remarkably handsome, very strong, and large of
growth. He had Westfold ; for King Alfgeir took all
Vingulmark to himself, and placed his son Gandalf
over it. Both father and son made war on Raumarige,
and subdued the greater part of that land and dis-
* The ships appear generally to have been laid all night close to or
at the shore, with a gangway to land by; and the crew appear to have
had tents on shore to pass the night in.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
261
trict. Hogne was the name of a son of the Upland
king, Eystein the Great, who subdued for himself the
whole of Hedemark, Thoten, and Hadeland. Then
VaBrmeland fell oiF from Gudrod's sons, and turned
itself, with its payment of scatt, to the Swedish king.
Olaf was about twenty years old when Gudrod died ;
and as his brother Halfdan noAv had the kingdom
with him, they divided it between them ; so that Olaf
got the eastern, and Halfdan the southern part. King
Olaf had his main residence at Gairstad.* There he
died of a disease in his foot, and was laid under a
mound at Gairstad. So sings Thiodolf: —
" Long while this branch of Odin's stem
Was the stout prop of Norway's realm ;
Long while King Olaf with just pride
Ruled over Westfold far and wide.
At length by cruel gout oppressed.
The good King Olaf sank to rest :
His body now lies under ground.
Buried at Gierstad, in the mound."
Kognvald was the name of Olaf 's son who was king
of Westfold after his father. He was called '' Moun-
tain-high," and Thiodolf of Huina composed for him
the " Ynglinga-tal f ; " in which he says —
^' Under the heaven's blue dome, a name
I never knew more true to fame
Than Rognvald bore ; whose skilful hand
Could tame the scorners of the land, —
Rognvald, who knew so well to guide
The wild sea-horses J through the tide :
The ' Mountain-high ' was the proud name
By which the king was known to fame."
* Geirstadir. This ancient seat of royalty in small is now sup-
posed to have been a farm called Gierrestad, in the same parish, TioUing,
in which Skiringssalr was situated.
j" Ynglinga-tal — the succession of the Yngling race. Our word
Tale applied to numbers, as things told over one by one, appears con-
nected with this word.
\ The wild sea-horses — ships, which are generally called the horses
of the ocean in scaldic poetry.
SAGA I.
CHAPTEa
LV.
Of Rogn-
vald the
Mountain-
hiffh.
s 3
2G2
CHRONICLE OF THE
11.
SAGA II.
HALFDAN THE BLACK'S SAGA.*
and Sig-
tryg.
Chapter Haledan was a year old when his father was killed,
Haifdan ^^^ ^^^ Hiother Aasa set oiF immediately with him
fights with westwards to Agder, and set herself there in the
kingdom which her father Harald had possessed.
Haifdan grew up there, and soon became stout and
strong ; and, by reason of his black hair, was called
Haifdan the Black. When he was eighteen years old
he took his kingdom in Agder, and went immediately
to Westfold, where he divided that kingdom, as before
related, with his brother Olaf. The same autumn
he went with an army to Yingulmark against King
Gandalf. They had many battles, and sometimes
one, sometimes the other gained the victory ; but at
last they agreed that Haifdan should have half of
Vingulmark, as his father Gudrod had had it before.
Then King Haifdan proceeded to Raumarige, and
subdued it. King Sigtryg, son of King Ey stein, who
then had his residence in Hedemark, and who had
* Haifdan the Black reigned from about the year 841 to about 863.
In the preceding Saga of the Yngling race, there are but few points to
be fixed down as historical by dates and coincidences with other history ;
and the earlier part of it belongs to mythology, not to history. Facts
there are — we hold them to be facts only because they are not extra-
vagant enough to be fables — intermingled with the mythological ac-
counts of Odin and his times ; but Snorro with great judgment goes
over this period rapidly, and comes as quickly as possible to the period
when authentic history begins to dawn, — to the reigns of Haifdan and
Harald Haarfager. Their royal derivation from the Yngve race (the
Ynglingens) could not be omitted; but Snorro hastens over it, as only a
necessary preface to his more authentic narratives.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 263
subdued Kaumarige before, having heard of this, saga it.
came out with his army against King Halfdan, and
there was a great battle, in which King Halfdan was
victorious ; and just as King Sigtryg and his troops
were turning about to fly, an arrow struck him under
the left arm, and he fell dead. Halfdan then laid the
whole of Eaumarige under his power. King Eystein's
second son, King Sigtryg' s brother, was also called
Eystein, and was then king in Hedemark. As soon
as Halfdan had returned to Westfold, King Eystein
went out with his army to Raumarige, and laid the
whole country in subjection to him.
When Kinsr Halfdan heard of these disturbances in Chapter
T T
Raumarige, he again gathered his army together ; and Battle be-
went out against King Eystein. A battle took place tT'',^"
between them, and Halfdan gained the victory, and and
Eystein fled up to Hedemark, pursued by Halfdan. -^y^*^^"*
Another battle took place, in which Halfdan was again
victorious ; and Eystein fled northwards, up the valley
to the Herse * Gudbrand. There he was strengthened
with new people, and in winter he went towards
Hedemark, and met Halfdan the Black upon a large
island which lies in the Myosen lake. There a great
battle was fought, and many people on both sides were
slain, but Halfdan won the victory. There fell Guttorm,
the son of the Herse Gudbrand, who was one of the
finest men in the Uplands. Then Eystein fled north
up the valley, and sent his relation Halvard Skalk to
King Halfdan to beg for peace. On consideration of
their relationship. King Halfdan gave King Eystein
half of Hedemark, which he and his relations had
held before ; but kept to himself Thoten, and the
land so called. He likewise appropriated to himself
* Herser, syr, ser^ appear words of a common origin, expressing no
rank or office, — like earl, baron, lenderman, — but the social distinction
given to persons of consideration and influence.
s 4
264
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA II.
Chapter
III.
Halfdan's
marriage.
Chapter
IV.
Halfdan's
strife with
Gandalf's
sons.
Had eland ; and he plundered far and wide around,
and was become a mighty king.
Halfdan the Black got a wife called Ragnhild, a
daughter of Harald Goldbeard, who was a king in
Sogn. They had a son, to whom Harald gave his own
name ; and the boy was brought up in Sogn, by his
mother's father, King Harald. Now when this Harald
had lived out his days nearly, and was become weak,
having no son, he gave his dominions to his daughter's
son Harald, and gave him his title of king ; and he died
soon after. The same winter his daughter Ragnhild
died ; and the following spring the young Harald fell
sick, and died at ten years of age. As soon as Halfdan
the Black heard of his son's death, he took the road
northwards to Sogn with a great force, and was well
received. He claimed the heritage and dominion
after his son ; and no opposition being made, he took
the whole kingdom. Earl Atle the Small, who was
a friend of King Halfdan, came to him from Gaular;
and the king set him over the Sogn district, to judge
in the country according to the country's laws, and
collect scatt upon the king's account. Thereafter
King Halfdan proceeded to his kingdom in the Up-
lands.
In autumn, King Halfdan proceeded to Yingul-
mark. One night when he was there in guest quar-
ters, it happened that about midnight a man came to
him who had been on the watch on horseback, and
told him a Avar force was come near to the house.
The king instantly got up, ordered his men to arm
themselves, and went out of tlie house and drew
them up in battle order. At the same moment,
Gandalf's sons, Hysing and Helsing, made their ap-
pearance with a large army. There was a great
battle ; but Halfdan being overpowered by the num-
bers of people, fled to the forest, leaving many of his
men on this spot. His foster-father, Olver the Wise,
KINGS OF NORWAY. 265
fell here. The people now came in swarms to King saga h.
Halfdan, and he advanced to seek Gandalf s sons.
They met on the neck of land at Eyne, and fought
there. Hysing and Helsing fell, and their brother
Hake saved himself by flight. King Halfdan then
took possession of the whole of Vingulmark, and Hake
fled to Alfheim.
Sigurd Hiort was the name of a king in Ringerige, Chapter
who was stouter and stronger than any other man, Kingiiaif-
and his equal could not be seen for a handsome ap- d^^'^.^^^*
i- \ marriage
pearance. His father was Helge the Sharp ; and his with
mother was Aslaug, a daughter of Sigurd the Worm- iifo/t's
eyed. It is told of Sigurd, that when he was only daughter,
twelve years old he killed in single combat the Ber-
saerker Hildebrand, and eleven others of his comrades ;
and many are the deeds of manhood told of him in a
long saga about his feats. Sigurd had two children,
one of Avhom was a daughter, called Ragnhild, then
twenty years of age, and an excellent brisk girl.
Her brother Guttorm was a youth. It is related that
Sigurd had a custom of riding out quite alone in the
uninhabited forest to hunt the wild beasts that are
hurtful to man, and he was always very eager at this
sport. One day he rode out into the forest as usual,
and when he had ridden a long way he came out at
a piece of cleared land near to Hadeland. There the
Bersa3rker Hake came against him mth thirty men,
and they fought. Sigurd Hiort fell there, after killing
twelve of Hake's men ; and Hake himself lost one hand,
and had three other wounds. Then Hake and his
men rode to Sigurd's house, where they took his
daughter Ragnhild and her brother Guttorm, and
carried them, with much property and valuable ar-
ticles, home to Hadeland, where Hake had many great
farms. He ordered a feast to be prepared, intending
to hold his wedding mth Ragnhild ; but the time
passed on account of his wounds, which healed
266 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA II. slowly ; and the Bersaerker Hake of Hadeland had to
keep his bed, on account of his wounds, all the au-
^ tumn and beginning of winter. Now King Halfdan
was in Hedemark at the Yule entertainments when
he heard this news ; and one morning early, when the
king was dressed, he called to him Harek Gand, and
told him to go over to Hadeland, and bring him
Kagnhild, Sigurd Hiort's daughter. Harek got ready
with a hundred men, and made his journey so that
they came over the lake to Hake's house in the grey
of the morning, and beset all the doors and stairs of
the places where the house-servants slept. Then they
broke into the sleeping-room where Hake slept, took
Ragnhild, with her brother Guttorm, and all the goods
that were there, and set fire to the house-servants'
place, and burnt all the people in it. Then they co-
vered over a magnificent waggon, placed Eagnhild
and Guttorm in it, and drove down upon the ice.
Hake got up and went after them a while ; but when
he came to the ice on the lake, he turned his sword-
hilt to the ground and let himself fall upon the point,
so that the sword went through him. He was buried
under a mound on the banks of the lake. When King
Halfdan, who was very quick of sight, saw the party
returning over the frozen lake, and with a covered
waggon, he knew that their errand was accomphshed
according to his desire. Thereupon he ordered the
tables to be set out, and sent people all round in the
neighbourhood to invite plenty of guests ; and the
same day there was a good feast which was also
Halfdan's marriage-feast with Ragnhild, who became
a great queen. Ragnhild' s mother was Thyrni, a
daughter of Harald Klak, king in Jutland, and a
sister of Thyri Dannebod, who was married to the
Danish king, Gorm the Old, who then ruled over the
Danish dominions.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 267
Ragnhild, who was wise and intelligent, dreamt saga^h.
sfreat dreams. She dreamt, for one, that she was Chapter
VI
standing out in her herb-garden, and she took a thorn of iiagn.
out of her shift ; but while she was holding the thorn Jjj^Jj^'^
in her hand it grew so that it became a great tree,
one end of which struck itself down into the earth,
and it became firmly rooted ; and the other end of the
tree raised itself so high in the air that she could
scarcely see over it, and it became also wonderfully
thick. The under part of the tree was red with blood,
but the stem upwards was beautifully green, and the
branches white as snow. There were many and great
limbs to the tree, some high up, others low down ; and
so vast was the tree's foliage that it seemed to her to
cover all Norway, and even much more.
King Halfdan never had dreams, which appeared Chapter
to him an extraordinary circumstance ; and he told it of Haif-
to a man called Thorlief the Wise, and asked him ^^"'^
. . dream.
what his advice was about it. Thorlief said that what
he himself did, when he wanted to have any revelation
by dream, was to take his sleep in a swine-stye, and
then it never failed that he had dreams. The king
did so, and the following dream was revealed to him.
He thought he had the most beautiful hair, which was
all in ringlets ; some so long as to fall upon the ground,
some reaching to the middle of his legs, some to his
knees, some to his loins or the middle of his sides,
some to his neck, and some were only as knots spring-
ing from his head. These ringlets were of various
colours ; but one ringlet surpassed all the others in
beauty, lustre, and size. This dream he told to Thor-
lief, who interpreted it thus : — There should be a great
posterity from him, and his descendants should rule
over countries with great, but not all with equally
great honour ; but one of his race should be more
celebrated than all the others. It was the opinion
268
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA II.
Chapter
VIII.
Halfdan's
meat va-
nishes at a
feast.
of people that this ringlet betokened King Olaf the
Saint.
King Half dan was a mse man, a man of truth and
uprightness — who made laws, observed them himself,
and obliged others to observe them. And that vio-
lence should not come in place of the laws, he himself
fixed the number of criminal acts in law, and the
compensations, mulcts, or penalties, for each case,
according to every one's birth and dignity.*
Queen Ragnhild gave birth to a son, and water was
poured over him, and the name of Harald given him,
and he soon grew stout and remarkably handsome.
As he grew up he became very expert at all feats,
and showed also a good understanding. He was
much beloved by his mother, but less so by his
father.
King Halfdan was at a Yule-feast in Hadeland,
where a wonderful thing happened one Yulef evening.
When the great number of guests assembled were
going to sit down to table, all the meat and all liquors
disappeared from the table. The king sat alone very
* The penalty, compensation, or manbod for every injury, due to the
party injured, or to his family and next of kin if the injury was the
death or premeditated murder of the party, appears to have been fixed
for every rank and condition, from the murder of the king down
to the maiming or beating a man's cattle or his slave. A man for
whom no compensation was due was a dishonoured person, or an out-
law. It appears to have been optional with the injured party, or his
kin if he had been killed, to take the mulct or compensation, or to re-
fuse it, and wait an opportunity of taking vengeance for the injury on
the party who inflicted it, or on his kin. A part of each mulct or
compensation was due to the king ; and these fines or penalties appear
to have constituted a great proportion of the king's revenues, and to
have been settled in the Things held in every district for administering
the law with the lagman.
I The feast of Jiolner, one of the names of Thor, was celebrated
by the pagan Northmen in mid- winter ; and the name of Yule and the
festivity were made to coincide with the Christmas of the church of
Rome, which is called Yule all over the North, from Jiolner. In Scot-
land, as well as in Scandinavia, Yule is the name given to the Christmas
holidays.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 269
confused in mind ; all the others set off, each to his saga n.
home, in consternation. That the king might come
to some certainty about what had occasioned this
event, he ordered a Laplander to be seized who was
particularly knowing, and tried to force him to dis-
close the truth ; but however much he tortured the
man, he got nothing out of him. The Laplander
sought help particularly from Harald, the king's son;
and Harald begged for mercy for him, but in vain.
Then Harald let him escape against the king's will,
and accompanied the man himself. On their journey
they came to a place where the man's chief had a great
feast, and it appears they were well received there.
When they had been there until spring, the chief
said, "" Thy father took it much amiss that in winter
I took some provisions from him, — now I will repay it
to thee by a joyful piece of news : thy father is dead ;
and now thou shalt return home, and take possession
of the whole kingdom which he had, and with it thou
shalt lay the whole kingdom of Norway under thee."
Halfdan the Black was driving from a feast in Hade- Chapter
land, and it so happened that his road lay over the Haifdan's
lake called Rond.* It was in spring, and there was ^^^^^'
a great thaw. They drove across the bight called
Rykensvig, Avhere in winter there had been a pond
broken in the ice for cattle to drink at, and where the
dung had fallen upon the ice the thaw had eaten it
into holes. Now as the king drove over it the ice
broke, and King Halfdan and many with him perished.
He was then forty years old. He had been one of the
most fortunate kings in respect of good seasons. The
people thought so much of him, that when his death
was known, and his body was floated to Ringerige to
bury it there, the people of most consequence from
* The lake now called Rands-fiord ; and the bight called Rekonsvig
is at a farm called Roken.
270 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA II. Kaumarige, Westfold, and Hedemark, came to meet
it. All desired to take the body with them to bury
it in their own district, and they thought that those
who got it would have good crops to expect. At last
it was agreed to divide the body into four parts. The
head was laid in a mound at Stein in Ringerige, and
each of the others took his part home and laid it in a
mound ; and these have since been called Halfdan's
Mounds.
KINGS OF NOEWAY. 271
III.
HARALD HAARFAGER'S SAGA.*
SAGA III.
Harald was but ten years old when he succeeded his chapter
father (Halfdan the Black). He became a stout, Haraid's
strong, and comely man, and withal prudent and HaUoTnd
manly. His mother's brother, Guttorm, was regent his father
over the court and country, and commander of the
men-at-arms of the court. f After Halfdan the Black's
death, many chiefs coveted the dominions he had left.
Among these King Gandalf was the first ; then Hogne
and Erode, sons of Eystein, king of Hedemark ; and
also Hogne Karason came from Ringerige. Hako,
the son of Gandalf, began with an expedition of 300
men against Westfold, marched round the head of
and over some valleys, and expected to come sud-
denly upon King Harald; while his father Gandalf
sat at home with his army, and prepared to cross over
the fiord into Westfold. When Guttorm heard of
this he gathered an army, and marched up the
country with King Harald against Hako. They met
* Harald Haarfager reigned from about the year 86*1 to about the
year 931. Pinkerton thinks Torfaeus dates his reign thirty years too
far backj and that Harald Haarfager's reign began in 9OO or 910. As he
agrees, however, in placing his death in 931 or 9^6, the only difference
between the two antiquaries is, that Torfaeus begins to reckon Haraid's
reign from his father's death, and Pinkerton from the subjugation of the
small kings, by which he became sole king of Norway.
t A court or herd about the king's person were men-at-arms of the
court or herd, kept in pay, and holding guard by night, even on horse-
back (see Chapter 4. of the preceding Saga) ; and appear to have been
an establishment coeval with the kingly power itself. This kind of
paid standing army must have existed from the earliest period, where
no feudal rights over vassals or retainers could give the king or his
nobles a constant command of armed followers.
272
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapter
II.
King Ha-
rald over-
comes five
kings.
Chapter
III.
Of Gyda,
daughter
of Eric.
in a valley, in wliich they fought a great battle, and
King Harald was victorious ; and there fell King Hako
and most of his people. The place has since been called
Hakodale. Then King Harald and Guttorm turned
back, but they found King Gandalf had come to West-
fold. The two armies marched against each other,
and met, and had a great battle ; and it ended in King
Gandalf flying, after leaving most of his men dead on
the spot, and in that state he came back to his king-
dom. Now when the sons of King Eystein in Hede-
mark heard the news, they expected the war would
come upon them, and they sent a message to Hogne
Karason and to Herse Gudbrand, and appointed a
meeting with them at Ringsager in Hedemark.
After the battle King Harald and Guttorm turned
back, and went with all the men they could gather
through the forests towards the Uplands. They
found out where the Upland kings had appointed
their meeting-place, and came there about the time of
midnight, without the watchmen observing them un-
til their army was before the door of the house in
which Hogne Karason was, as well as that in which
Gudbrand slept. They set Are to both houses ; but
King Eystein's two sons slipped out with their men,
and fought for a while, until both Hogne and Erode
fell. After the fall of these four chiefs. King Harald,
by his relation Guttorm's success and power, subdued
Hedemark, Ringerige, Gudbrandsdal, Hadeland, Tho-
ten, Raumarige, and the whole northern part of Vin-
gulmark. King Harald and Guttorm had thereafter
war with King Gandulf, and fought several battles
with hhn ; and in the last of them King Gandalf was
slain, and King Harald took the whole of his kingdom
as far south as the Glommen.
King Harald sent his men to a girl called Gyda, a
daughter of King Eric of Hordaland, who was brought
up as foster-child in the house of a great bonder in
KINGS OF NORWAY. 273
Valders. The king wanted her for his concubine; for saga m.
she was a remarkably handsome girl, but of high
spirit withal. Now when the messengers came there,
and delivered their errand to the girl, she answered,
that she would not throw herself away even to take a
king for her husband, who had no greater kingdom to
rule over than a few districts. " And methinks," said
she, "it is wonderful that no king here in Norway
will make the whole country subject to him, in the
same way as Gorm the Old did in Denmark, or Eric
at Upsal." The messengers thought her answer was
dreadfully haughty, and asked what she thought
would come of such an answer; for Harald was so
mighty a man, that his invitation was good enough
for her. But although she had replied to their er-
rand differently from what they wished, they saw no
chance, on this occasion, of taking her with them
against her will ; so they prepared to return. When
they were ready, and the people followed them out,
Gyde said to the messengers, '' Now tell to King
Harald these my words, — I will only agree to be his
lawful wife upon the condition that he shall first, for
my sake, subject to himself the whole of Norway, so
that he may rule over that kingdom as freely and
fully as King Eric over the Swedish dominions, or
King Gorm over Denmark ; for only then, methinks,
can he be called the king of a people."
Now came the messengers back to King Harald, Chapter
bringing him the words of the girl, and saying she Kini^Ha.
was so bold and foolish that she well deserved that ^^^^'^ vow,
the king should send a greater troop of people for
her, and inflict on her some disgrace. Then answered
the king, " This girl has not spoken or done so much
amiss that she should be punished, but rather she
should be thanked for her words She has reminded
me," said he, " of something which it appears to me
wonderful I did not think of before. And now," added
VOL. I. T
274
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapter
• V. :
The battle
in Orkadal.
Chapter
VI.
Of King
Harald's
laws for
land pro-
perty.
he, " I make the solemn vow, and take God to witness,
who made me*, and rules over all thmgs, that never
shall I clip or comb my hair until I have subdued the
whole of Norway, with scattf, and duties, and do-
mains; or if not, have died in the attempt." Guttorm
thanked the king warmly for his vow ; adding, that it
was royal work to fulfil royal words.
After this the two relations gather together a great
force, and prepare for an expedition to the Uplands,
and northwards up the valley (Gudbrandsdal), and
north over Dovrefielde ; and when the king came
down to the inhabited land he ordered all the men to
be killed, and every thing wide around to be delivered
to the flames. And when the people came to know
this, they fled every one where he could ; some down
the country to Orkadal, some to Gaulerdal, some to
the forests. But some begged for peace, and obtained
it, on condition of joining the king and becoming his
men. He met no opposition until he came to Orkadal.
There a crowd of people had assembled, and he had
his first battle with a king called Gryting. Harald
won the victory, and King Gryting was made prisoner,
and most of his people killed. He took service himself
under the king, and swore fidelity to him. There-
after all the people in Orkadal district went under
King Harald, and became his men.
King Harald made this law over all the lands he
conquered, that all the udal property should belong
to him; and that the bonders, both great and small,
* This appears a Christian interpolation ; at least we find no such
vows among the other saga heroes of the Odin religion.
"j" Scatt was a land-tax, paid to the king in money, malt, meal, or
flesh-meat, from all lands ; and was adjudged by the Thing to each
king upon his accession, and being proposed and accepted as king.
In Orkney, where the land in general has been feudalised since
the annexation in 1463 of the islands to the Scotch crown, the old
udal tax of scatt remains as an item in the feu-duties payable to the
crown.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 275
should pay him land dues for their possessions.* Over saga m.
every district he set an earl to judge according to the
law of the land and to justice, and also to collect the
land dues and the fines ; and for this each earl received
a third part of the dues, and services, and fines, for
the support of his table and other expenses. Each
earl had under him four or more hersers, each of
whom had an estate of twenty merks yearly income
bestowed on him and was bound to support twenty
men-at-arms, and the earl sixty men, at their own
expenses. The king had increased the land dues and
burdens so much, that each of his earls had greater
power and income than the kings had before ; and
when that became known at Drontheim, many great
men joined the king, and took his service.
It is told that Earl Hakon Griotgardsson came to Chapter
King Harald from Orland, and brought a great crowd BatTie^n
of men to his service. Then King Harald went into Oauierdai.
Gaulerdal, and had a great battle, in which he slew
two kings, and conquered their dominions ; and these
were Gaulerdal district and St rind district. He gave
Earl Hakon Strind district to rule over as earl. King
Harald then proceeded to Stordal, and had a third
battle, in which he gained the victory, and took that
district also. Thereupon the Drontheim people as-
sembled, and four kings met together with their
troops. The one ruled over Yserdalf, the second
over Skogn, the third over Sparbu, and the fourth
over Inderoen ; and this latter had also Eyna district.
These four kings marched with their men against
King Harald, but he won the battle; and some of
these kings fell, and some fled. In all. King Harald
fought at the least eight battles, and slew eight kings,
* This appears to have been an attempt to introduce the feudal
system.
•f Vaerdal,, Skogn, Sparbu, Inderoen, are small districts or parishes
on the side of the Drontheim fiord.
T 2
276
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapter
VIII.
King Ha-
rald seizes
all Nu-
medal dis-
trict.
in tlie land of Drontheim, and laid the whole of it
under him.
North in Numedal were two brothers, kings, — Her-
laug and Hrollaug ; and they had been for three sum-
mers raising a mound or tomb of stone and lime and
of wood. Just as the work was finished, the brothers
got the news that King Harald was coming upon
them mth his army. Then King Herlaug had a great
quantity of meat and drink brought into the mound,
and went into it himself, with eleven companions,
and ordered the mound to be covered up. King
Hrollaug, on the contrary, went upon the summit of
the mound, on which the kings were wont to sit, and
made a throne to be erected, upon which he seated
himself. Then he ordered feather-beds to be laid
upon the bench below, on which the earls Avere wont
to be seated, and threw himself down from his high
seat or throne into the earls' seat, giving himself the
title of earl. Now Hrollaug went to meet King
Harald, gave up to him his whole kingdom, offered
to enter into his service, and told him his whole pro-
ceeding. Then took King Harald a sword, fastened
it to Hrollaug's belt, bound a shield to his neck, and
made him thereupon an earl, and led him to his earl's
seat ; and therewith gave him the district of Numedal,
and set him as earl over it.*
* Before writing was in general use, this symbolical way of perform-
ing all important legal acts appears to have entered into the jurispru-
dence of all savage nations ; and according to Gibbon, chap. 44., '^ the
jurisprudence of the first Romans exhibited the scenes of a pantomime:
the words were adapted to the gestures, and the slightest error or
neglect in the forms of proceeding was sufficient to annul the substance
of the fairest claims." This ceremony of demission from the seat of a
king, and assumption of the rank and seat of an earl, and the subse-
quent investiture of Hrollaug by the ceremony of binding a sword and
shield on him, and leading him to the earls' seat, have probably been
ceremonies adopted from the feudal countries. Harald Haarfager's ob-
ject appears to have been to feudalise the dominions he conquered from
the small kings ; but the subsequent partition of the country among his
KINGS OF NORWAY. 277
King Harald then returned to Drontheim, where saga m.
he dwelt during the winter, and always afterwards Chapter
called it his home. He fixed here his head residence, King Ha-
which is called Lade. This winter he took to wife raid's home
OTyo 1 'pc
Asa, a daughter of Earl Hakon Griotgardsson, who
then stood in great favour and honour with the king.
In spring the king fitted out his ships. In winter he
had caused a great frigate (a dragon) to be built, and
had it fitted out in the most splendid way, and brought
his house-troops and his berserkers on board. The
forecastle men were picked men, for they had the
king's banner. From the stem to the mid-hold was
called rausn *, or the fore-defence ; and there were the
berserkers. f Such men only were received into King
Harald's house-troop as were remarkable for strength,
courage, and all kinds of dexterity ; and they alone
got place in his ship, for he had a good choice of
house-troops from the best men of every district.
King Harald had a great army, many large ships, and
many men of might followed him. Hornklofe, in his
poem called " Glymdrapa," tells of this ; and also that
King Harald had a battle with the people of Orkadal,
at Opdal forest, before he went upon this expedition.
'' O'er the broad heath the bowstrings twang,
While high in air the arrows sang;
The iron shower drives to flight
The foemen from the bloody fight.
The warder of great Odin's shrine,
The fair-haired son of Odin's line,
Raises the voice which gives the cheer,
First in the track of wolf or bear.
His master voice drives them along
To Hell — a destined, trembling throng;
descendants, and their feuds with each other, prevented the permanency
of feudal tenures under the crown; and the holdings being only personal,
not hereditary, were of less value than the udal rights to land.
* Rausn is explained by Schoniiig to have been that part of the
vessel where the rise begins to form the bow — the forecastle-deck.
t Berserker. See note. Chapter 6. " Ynglinga Saga."
T 3
278
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapter
X.
Battle at
Solskiel.
And Nokve's ship, with glancing sides.
Must fly to the wild ocean's tides, —
Must fly before the king who leads
Norse axe-men on their ocean-steeds."
King Harald moved out with his army from Dron-
theim, and went southwards to More.* Hunthiof
was the name of the king who ruled over the district
of More. Solve Klofe was the name of his son, and
both were great warriors. King Nokve, who ruled
over Raumsdalf, was the brother of Solvers mother.
Those chiefs gathered a great force when they heard
of King Harald, and came against him. They met
at Solskiel J, and there was a great battle, which was
gained by King Harald. Hornklofe tells of this
battle : —
'^ Thus did the hero known to fame.
The leader of the shields, whose name
Strikes every heart with dire dismay.
Launch forth his war-ships to the fray.
Two kings he fought ; but little strife
Was needed to cut short their life.
A clang of arms by the sea-shore, —
And the shields' sound was heard no more."
The two kings were slain, but Solve escaped by
flight ; and King Harald laid both districts under his
power. He staid here long in summer to establish
law and order for the country people, and set men to
rule them, and keep them faithful to him ; and in
autumn he prepared to return northwards to Dron-
theim. Rognvald Earl of More, a son of Eystein
Glumre, had the summer before become one of Harald's
men ; and the king set him as chief over these two
* Maeri appears derived from the old northern word Mar, the sea;
the same as the Latin mare, and retained by us in moor or morass. It
is applied to a flat bordering on the sea ; and possibly our Murrayshire
may have a common root with the two districts of Norway called South
and North More.
■f Raumsdalr is the present Ramsdal.
i Solskiel is an island in the parish of ^do, in North More.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 279
districts, North More and Raumsdal ; strengthened sacxa m.
him both with men of might and bonders, and gave
him the help of ships to defend the coast against ene-
mies. He was called Rognvald the Mighty, or the
Wise ; and people say both names suited well. King
Harald came back to Drontheim about winter.
The following spring. King Harald raised a great Chapter
force in Drontheim, and gave out that he would pro- Fail of
ceed to South More. Solve Klofe had iDassed the ^^'^^'jf^
-, . . Arnvid and
winter in his ships of war, plundering in North More, Audbiom.
and had killed many of King Harald' s men ; pillaging
some places, burning others, and making great ra-
vage : but sometimes he had been, during the winter,
with his friend King Arnvid in South More. Now
when he heard that King Harald was come with ships
and a great army, he gathered people, and was strong
in men-at-arms ; for many thought they had to take
vengeance of King Harald. Solve Klofe went south-
wards to the Fiorde, which King Audbiorn ruled over,
to ask him to help, and join his force to King Arnvid's
and his own. " For," said he, "it is now clear that
we all have but one course to take ; and that is to rise,
all as one man, against King Harald, for we have
strength enough, and fate must decide the victory ; for
as to the other condition of becoming his servants, that
is no condition for us, who are not less noble than
Harald. My father thought it better to fall in battle
for his kingdom, than to go willingly into King Ha-
rald's service, or not to abide the chance of weapons
like the Numedal kings." King Solve's speech was
such that King Audbiorn promised his help, and ga-
thered a great force together, and went with it to King
Arnvid, and they had a great army. Now, they got
news that King Harald was come from the north, and
they met within Solskiel.* And it was the custom to
* An island in the parish of Edo, in North More.
T 4
280
CHRONICLE OF THE
Chapter
XII.
King Ve-
mund
burnt to
death.
SAGA III. lash the ships together, stem to stem ; so it was done
now. King Harald laid his ship against King Arn-
vid's, and there was the sharpest fight, and many
men fell on both sides. At last King Harald was
raging with anger, and went forward to the fore- deck,
and slew so dreadfully that all the forecastle men of
Arnvid's ship were driven aft of the mast, and some
fell. Thereupon Harald boarded the ship, and King
Arnvid's men tried to save themselves by flight, and
he himself was slain in his ship. King Audbiorn also
fell ; but Solve fled. So says Hornklofe : —
" Against the hero's shield in vain
The arrow-storm fierce pours its rain.
The king stands on the blood-stained deck,
Trampling on many a stout foe's neck j
And high above the dinning stound
Of helm and axe^ and ringing sound
Of blade and shield, and raven's cry_,
Is heard his shout of '^ Victory ! ' "
Of King Harald's men, fell his earls Asgaut and
Asbiorn, together with his brothers-in-law Griotgard
and Hrollaug, the sons of Earl Hakon of Lade. Solve
became afterwards a great sea-king, and often did
great damage in King Harald's dominions.
After this battle King Harald subdued South More ;
but Vemund, King Audbiorn' s brother, still had the
Fiorde district. It was now late in harvest, and King
Harald's men gave him the counsel not to proceed
southwards round Stad.f Then King Harald set Earl
Rognvald over South and North More and also Raums-
dal, and he had many people about him. King Harald
returned to Drontheim. The same winter Rognvald
went over the inner neck of land, and southwards to the
Fiorde district. There he heard news of King Vemund,
and came by night to a place called Notsdal, where King
* Stad is often mentioned in the sagas, being the most westerly part
of the mainland of Norway; and vessels coasting along from the north
or south had to steer a'new course along the coast after passing Stad,
It is now called Stadland.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 281
Vemund was living in guest-quarters. Earl Rognvald saga m.
surrounded the house in which they were quartered,
and burnt the king in it, together with ninety
men. Then came Berdlukaare to Earl Eognvald with
a completely armed long-ship, and they both returned
to More. The earl took all the ships Vemund had,
and all the goods he could get hold of. Berdlukaare
proceeded north to Drontheim to King Harald, and
became his man ; and a dreadful berserk he was.
The following spring King Harald went southwards Chapter
with his fleet along the coast, and subdued the district De^/Jof
of the Fiorde. Then he sailed eastward alono; the Eari Ha-
land until he came to Viken ; but he left Earl Hakon of Eari
Griotgardsson behind, and set him over the Fiorde siJlajf^^
district. Earl Hakon sent word to Earl Atle the
Small that he should leave Sogne district, and be earl
over Gaular district, as he had been before, alleging
that King Harald had given Sogne district to him.
Earl Atle sent word back that he would keep both
Sogne district and Gaular district, until he met King
Harald. The two earls quarrelled about this so long,
that both gathered troops. They met at Fialar, in
Stavanger fiord, and had a great battle, in which Earl
Hakon fell, and Earl Atle got a mortal wound, and his
men carried him to the island of Atle*, where he died.
So says Ey vind Skaldaspiller : —
^' He who stood a rooted oak^
Unshaken by the swordsman's stroke.
Amidst the whiz of arrows slain.
Has fallen upon Fialar's plain.
There, by the ocean's rocky shore,
The waves are stained with the red gore
Of stout Earl Hakon Griotgard's son,
And of brave warriors many a one."
* Atla isle in Fialar, now included in Sondfiord, has probably got
its name from Atle. Three standing stones at Velnaes church, supposed
to have been erected to his memory, still remain.
282
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapter
XIV.
Of King
Harakl
and the
Swedish
King Eric.
Chapter
XV.
King Ha-
rakl at a
King Harald came with his fleet eastward to Viken,
and landed at Tunsberg, which was then a trading
town. He had then been four years in Drontheim,
and in all that time had not been in Yiken. Here he
heard the news that Eric Eymundson, king of Sweden,
had laid under him Yermeland, and was taking scatt
or land-tax from all the forest settlers ; and also that
he called the whole country north to Swinesund, and
west along the sea, Westgothland ; and which altogether
he reckoned to his kingdom, and took land-tax from
it. Over this country he had set an earl, by name
Hrane Gotska, who had the earldom between Swine-
sund and the Gotha river, and was a mighty earl.
And it was told to King Harald that the Swedish
king said he would not rest until he had as great a
kingdom in Yiken as Sigurd King, or his son Ragnar
Lodbrok, had possessed ; and that was Raumarige and
Westfold, all the way to the isle Grenmar, and also
Yingulmark, and all that lay south of it. In these
districts many chiefs, and many other people, had
given obedience to the Swedish king. King Harald
was very angry at this, and summoned the bonders to
a Thing at Folden, where he laid an accusation* against
them for treason towards him. Some bonders defended
themselves from the accusation, some paid fines, some
were punished. He went thus through the whole dis-
trict during the summer, and in harvest he did the
same in Raumarige, and laid the two districts under
his power. Towards mnter he heard that Eric king
of Sweden was, with his court, going about in Yerme-
land in guest-quarters.
King Harald takes his way across the Eida forest
eastward, and comes out in Yermeland, where he also
orders feasts to be prepared for himself. There was
* A reference to a Thing, and an accusation before it, appears to
have been a necessary mode of proceeding, even to authorise the king to
punish for treason the udal landholders.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 283
li man, by name Aake, who was the greatest of the sagajh.
bonders of Vermeland, very rich, and at that time feast of the
very aged. He sent men to King Harald, and invited ATke"lnd
him to a feast, and the king promised to come on the the murder
day appointed. Aake invited also King Eric to a
feast, and appointed the same day. Aake had a great
feasting hall, but it was old ; and he made a new hall,
not less than the old one, and had it ornamented in
the most splendid way. The new hall he had hung
with new hangings, but the old had only its old orna-
ments. Now when the kings came to the feast. King
Eric Tvith his court was taken into the old hall ; but
Harald with his followers into the new. The same
difference was in all the table furniture, and King
Eric and his men had the old-fashioned vessels and
horns, but all gilded and splendid ; while King Harald
and his men had entirely new vessels and horns
adorned with gold, all with carved figures, and shining
like glass : and both companies had the best of liquor.
Aake the bonder had formerly been King Halfdan the
Black's man. Now when dayUght came, and the feast
was quite ended, and the kings made themselves ready
for their journey, and the horses were saddled, came
Aake before King Harald, leading in his hand his son
Ubbe, a boy of twelve years of age, and said, "" If the
goodwill I have shown to thee, sire, in my feast, be
worth thy friendship, show it hereafter to my son. I
give him to thee now for thy service.'^ The king
thanked him with many agreeable words for his
friendly entertainment, and promised him his full
friendship in return. Then Aake brought out great
presents, which he gave to the king, and they gave
each other thereafter the parting kiss. Aake went
next to the Swedish king, who was dressed and ready
for the road, but not in the best humour. Aake gave
to him also good and valuable gifts ; but the king an-
swered only with few words, and mounted his horse.
284
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapter
XVI.
King
Harald's
journey to
Tunsberg.
Aake followed the king on the road, and talked with
him. The road led through a wood which was near
to the house ; and when Aake came to the wood, the
king said to him, " How was it that thou madest such
a difference between me and King Harald as to give
him the best of every thing, although thou knowest
thou art ray man ? " "I think," answered Aake, " that
there failed in it nothing, king, either to you or to
your attendants, in friendly entertainment at this feast.
But that all the utensils for your drinking were old,
was because you are now old ; but King Harald is in
the bloom of youth, and therefore I gave him the
new things. And as to my being thy man, thou art
just as much my man." On this the king out mth
his sword, and gave Aake his death- wound. King
Harald was ready now also to mount his horse, and
desired that Aake should be called. The people went
to seek him ; and some ran up the road that King Eric
had taken, and found Aake there dead. They came
back, and told the news to King Harald, and he bids
his men to be up, and avenge Aake the bonder. And
away rode he and his men the way King Eric had
taken, until they came in sight of each other. Each
for himself rode as hard as he could, until Eric came
into the wood which divides Gotland and Yermeland.
There King Harald wheels about, and returns to
Yermeland, and lays the country under him, and kills
Kinsf Eric's men wheresoever he can find them. In
winter King Harald returned to Eaumarige, and dwelt
there a while.
King Harald went out in winter to his ships at
Tunsberg, rigged them, and sailed away eastivard over
the Fiord, and subjected all Yingulmark to his domi-
nion. All winter he was out with his ships, and
marauded in Ranrige * ; so says Thorbiorn Hornklofe : —
* Ranrige was the present Bahuus province^ between the Gotha and
Glommen river-mouths.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 285
" The Norseman's king is on the sea, saga hi.
Tho' bitter wintry cold it be, —
On the wild waves his Yule keeps he.
When our brisk king can get his way.
He'll no more by the fireside stay
Than the young sun : he makes us play
The game of the bright sun-god* Freyr.
But the soft Swede loves well the fire,
The well-stufFed couch, the downy glove.
And from the hearth-seat will not move."
The Gotlanders gathered people together all over
the country.
In spring, when the ice was breaking up, they Chapter
drove stakes into the Gotha river to hinder King The battle
Harald with his ships from coming to the land. But ^" Gotland.
King Harald laid his ships alongside the stakes, and
plundered the country, and burnt all around ; so says
Hornklofe : —
" The king, who finds a dainty feast
For battle-bird and prowling beast.
Has won in war the southern land
That lies along the ocean's strand.
The leader of the helmets, he
Who leads his ships o'er the dark sea,
Harald, whose high-rigged masts appear
Like antlered fronts of the wild deer.
Has laid his ships close alongside
Of the foe's piles with daring pride."
Afterwards the Gotlanders came down to the
strand with a great army, and gave battle to King
Harald, and great was the fall of men. But it was
King Harald who gained the day. Thus says Horn-
klofe : —
'^ Whistles the battle-axe in its swing.
O'er head the whizzing javelins sing.
Helmet and shield and hauberk ring ;
The air-song of the lance is loud.
The arrows pipe in darkening cloud ;
* In northern mythology Freyr, the god of the sun, is supposed to
have been born at the winter solstice ; and the return of the lengthen-
ing day was celebrated by a feast called Yule, which coinciding with
Christmas, was transferred to the Christian festival.
286
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III. Through helm and mail the foemen feel
The blue edge of our king's good steel.
Who can withstand our gallant king ?
The Gotland men their flight must wing."
Chapter Kiiig Harald WGiit far and wide througli Gotland,
Hrane the and many were the battles he fought there, and in
d^atlr."^^^^^ general he was victorious. In one of these battles
fell Hrane the Gotlander; and then the king took his
whole land north of the river and west of the Yen-
ner, and also Yermeland. And after he turned back
therefrom, he set Guttorm as chief to defend the
country, and left a great force with him. King
Harald himself went first to the Uplands, where he
remained a while, and then proceeded northwards
over the Dovrefielde to Drontheim, where he dwelt
for a long time. Harald began to have children.
By Asa he had four sons. The eldest was Guttorm.
Halfdan the Black and Halfdan the White were twins.
Sigfrode was the fourth. They were all brought up
in Drontheim with all honour.
News came in from the south land that the people
of Hordaland and Rogaland, Agder and Thelemark,
were gatherings and bringing together ships and wea-
pons, and a great body of men. The leaders of this
were Eric king of Hordaland ; Sulke king of Roga-
land, and his brother Earl Sote ; Kiotve the Rich,
king of Agder, and his son Thor Haldang ; and from
Thelemark two brothers, Roald Ryg and Hadd the
Hard. Now when Harald got certain news of this,
he assembled his forces, set his ships on the water,
made himself ready with his men, and set out south-
wards along the coast, gathering many people from
every district. King Eric heard of this when he came
south of Stad ; and having assembled all the men he
could expect, he proceeded southwards to meet the
force which he knew was coming to his help from the
east. The Avhole met together north of Jeddern, and
Chapter
XIX.
Battle in
Hafurs-
tiord.
KINGS OF NOKWAY. 287
went into Hafursfiord, where King Harald was wait- sagajh.
ing with his forces. A great battle began, which was
both hard and long ; but at last King Harald gained
the day. There King Eric fell, and King Sulke, with
his brother Earl Sote. Thor Haklang, who was a
great berserk, had laid his ship against King Harald's,
and there was above all measure a desperate attack,
until Thor Haklang fell, and his whole ship was
cleared of men. Then King Kiotve fled to a little
isle outside, on which there a was a good place of
strength. Thereafter all his men fled, some to their
ships, some up to the land ; and the latter ran south-
wards over the country of Jeddern. So says Horn-
klofe, viz. : —
" Has the news reached you ? — have you heard
Of the great fight at Hafurdsfiord,, *
Between our noble king brave Harald
And King Kiotve rich in gold ?
The foemen came from out the East^
Keen for the fray as for a feast.
A gallant sight it was to see
Their fleet sweep o'er the dark-blue sea;
Each war-ship, with its threatening throat
Of dragon fierce or ravenous brute "j* *
Grim gaping from the prow; its wales
Glittering with burnished shields :|:, like scales;
Its crew of udal men of war,
VThose snow-white targets shone from far;
And many a mailed spearman stout
From the West countries round about,
English and Scotch, a foreign host.
And swordsmen from the far French coast. §
And as the foemen 's ships drew near.
The dreadful din you well might hear ;
* Hafrsfiordr, now Hafsfiord, north of Jederen district.
"j" The war-ships were called dragons, from being decorated with the
head of a dragon, serpent, or other wild animal ; and the word "draco"
was adopted in the Latin of the middle ages to denote a ship of war
of the larger class. The snekke was the cutter or smaller war-ship.
1 The shields were hung over the side rails of the ships.
§ It is curious to find that English, Scotch, and French men-at-
arms, from the West countries, were in Kiotve's army.
288
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapper
XX.
King Ha-
rald the
supreme
sovereign
in Norway.
Of the set-
tlement of
distant
lands.
Savage berserkers roaring mad,
And champions fierce in wolf-skins clad,*
Howling like wolves; and clanking jar
Of many a mail-clad man of war.
Thus the foe came; but our brave king
Taught them to fly as fast again.
For when he saw their force come o'er.
He launched his war-ships from the shore;
On the deep sea he launched his fleet,
And boldly rowed the foe to meet.
Fierce was the shock, and loud the clang
Of shields, until the fierce Haklang,
The foeman's famous berserk, fell.
Then from our men burst forth the yell
Of victory; and the King of Gold
Could not withstand our Harald bold.
But fled before his flaky locks
For shelter to the island rocks.
All in the bottom of the ships
The wounded lay, in ghastly heaps ;
Backs up and faces down they lay.
Under the row-seats stowed away;
And many a warrior's shield, I ween.
Might on the warrior's back be seen.
To shield him as he fled amain
From the fierce stone-storm's pelting rain.
The mountain-folk, as I've heard say.
Ne'er stopped as they ran from the fray.
Till they had crossed the Jeddern sea.
And reached their homes — so keen each soul
To drown his fright in the mead bowl."
After tills battle King Harald met no opposition in
Norway, for all his opponents and greatest enemies
were cut off. But some, and tliey were a great mul-
titude, fled out of the country, and thereby great dis-
tricts were peopled. Jemteland and Helsingland were
peopled then, although some Norwegians had already
set up their habitation there. In the discontent that
King Harald seized on the lands of Norway f, the
out-countries of Iceland and the Faroe Isles were dis-
covered and peopled. The Northmen had also a
* The wolf-skin pelts were nearly as good as armour against the
sword.
f This taking the land appears to have been an attempt to introduce
the feudal tenures and services.
KINGS OF NOKWAY. 289
great resort to Shetland, and many men left Norway, saga m.
flying the country on account of King Harald, and
went on viking cruises into the West sea. In winter
they were in the Orkney Islands and Hebrides ; but
marauded in summer in Norway, and did great da-
mage. Many, however, were the mighty men who
took service under King Harald, and became his men,
and dwelt in the land with him.
When King Harald had now become sole king over
all Norway, he remembered what that proud girl had
said to him ; so he sent men to her, and had her
brought to him, and took her to his bed. And these
were their children : Alaf — she was the eldest ; then
was their son Hrsereck; then Sigtryg, Frode, and
Thorgils. King Harald had many wives* and many
children. Among them he had one wife, who was
called Ragnhild the Mighty, a daughter of King Eric,
from Jutland ; and by her he had a son, Eric Bloody-
axe. He was also married to Swanhilde, a daughter
of Earl Eystein ; and their sons were Olaf Geirsta-
daalf, Biorn,and Ragnar Ry skill. Lastly, King Harald
married Ashilda, a daughter of King Dagsson, up in
Ringerige ; and their children were Dag, Ring, Gudrod,
Skiria, and Ingigerd. It is told that King Harald
put away nine wives when he married Ragnhild the
Mighty. So says Hornklofe : —
" Harald, of noblest race the head,
A Danish v/ife took to his bed ;
* Polygamy — possibly brought with them from their original seats in
Asia — appears to have been a privilege of the royal race, among the
Northmen, down to the 13th century. The kings had concubines as
well as a plurality of wives ; and the children appear to have been
equally udal-born to the kingdom, whether born in marriage or not. It
does not appear from the sagas what forms or ceremonies constituted a
marriage before the introduction of Christianity. A marriage feast or
wedding is mentioned, and one of the wives appears to have been the
drottning or queen ; but we are not told of any religious ceremony
besides the feast.
VOL. I. U
^90
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IIL
Chapter
XXI.
Of King
Harald's
children
and mar-
riages.
Chapter
XXII.
King Ha-
rald's voy-
age to the
west.
And out of doors nine wives he thrust^, —
The mothers of the princes first,
Who in Holmryger hold command.
And those who rule in Horder land.
And then he packed from out the place
The children born of Holge's race."
King Harald's children were all fostered and brought
up by their relations on the mother's side. Guttorm
the Duke had poured water over King Harald's eldest
son*, and had given him his own name. He set the
child upon his kneef, and was his foster-father, and
took him with himself eastward to Yiken, and there
he was brought up in the house of Guttorm. Guttorm
ruled the whole land in Yiken, and the Uplands, when
King Harald was absent.
King Harald heard that the vikings, who were in
the West sea in winter, plundered far and wide in
the middle part of Norway ; and therefore every sum-
mer he made an expedition to search the isles and
out-skerries J On the coast. Wheresoever the vikings
heard of him they all took to flight, and most of
them out into the open ocean. At last the king grew
weary of this work, and therefore one summer he
sailed with his fleet right out into the West sea. First
he came to Shetland, and he slew all the vikings who
could not save themselves by flight. Then King
Harald sailed southwards, to the Orkney Islands, and
cleared them all of vikings. Thereafter he proceeded
* This pouring water over a child, and giving it a name_, could
scarcely have been an original coincidence between the Odin worship
and Christianity. In Odinism it betokens nothing, and if really used
has probably been borrowed from the Christian ceremony ; or more
probably, in the age when Christianity was considered to consist alto-
gether in the ceremony of baptism, the scalds have thought it decorous
to represent the ancestors to whom great families traced themselves as
baptized Christians, not unbaptized heathens. It is only of such per-
sonages that we hear of this Odin-baptism, and not of the other sons
who had no royal descendants.
"]• Tliis appears to have been a generally used symbol of adoption of
a child.
:{: Skerries are the uninhabited dry or half-tide rocks of a coast.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 291
to the Hebrides, plundered there, and slew many vi- saga m.
kings who formerly had had men-at-arms under them.
Many a battle was fought, and King Harald was al-
ways victorious. He then plundered far and wide in
Scotland itself, and had a battle there. When he was
come westward as far as the Isle of Man, the report
of his exploits on the land had gone before him ; for
all the inhabitants had fled over to Scotland, and the
island was left entirely bare both of people and
goods, so that King Harald and his men made no
booty when they landed. So says Hornklofe : —
'^ The wise, the noble king, great Harald,
Whose band so freely scatters gold.
Led many a northern shield to war
Against the town upon the shore.
The wolves soon gathered on the sand
Of that sea-shore ; for Harald's hand
The Scottish army drove away.
And on the coast left wolves a prey."
In this war fell Ivar, a son of Rognvald, Earl of
More ; and King Harald gave Rognvald, as a compen-
sation for the loss, the Orkney and Shetland isles,
when he sailed from the West ; but Rognvald immedi-
ately gave both these countries to his brother Sigurd,
who remained behind them ; and King Harald, before
sailing eastward, gave Sigurd the earldom of them.
Thorstein the Red, a son of Olaf the White, and
Aude the Wealthy, entered into partnership with
him ; and after plundering in Scotland, they subdued
Caithness and Sutherland, as far as Ekjalsbakki.*
Earl Sigurd killed Melbrigda-Tonn, a Scotch earl,
and hung his head to his stirrup-leather; but the calf
of his leg was scratched by the teeth, which were
sticking out from the head, and the wound caused
* Ekkjalsbakki, the Ekkial, is now the Oickel, a river falling into
the Frith of Dornoch ; and the banks or braes on its borders are the
Ekkjalsbakki of the saga — not the Ochil hills, as some have imagined;
and the burial mound may be still remaining possibly.
u 2
292
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapter
XXIII.
King Ha-
rald has
his hair
clipped.
Chapter
XXIV.
Rolf
Ganger is
driven into
banish-
ment.
inflammation in his leg, of which the earl died, and
he was laid in a mound at Ekjalsbakki. His son
Guttorm ruled over these countries for about a year
thereafter, and died without children. Many vikings,
both Danes and Northmen, set themselves down then
in those countries.
After King Harald had subdued the whole land, he
was one day at a feast in More, given by Earl Rogn-
vald. Then King Harald went into a bath, and had
his hair dressed. Earl Eognvald now cut his hair,
which had been uncut and uncombed for ten years ;
and therefore the king had been called Ugly Head,
But then Earl Rognvald gave him the distinguishing
name — Harald Haarfager ; and all who saw him
agreed that there was the greatest truth in that sur-
name, for he had the most beautiful and abundant
head of hair.
Earl Rognvald was King Harald' s dearest friend,
and the king had the greatest regard for him. He
was married to Hilda, a daughter of Rolf Naefia, and
their sons were Rolf and Thorer. Earl Rognvald had
also three sons by concubines, — the one called Hallad,
the second Einar, the third Hrollaug ; and all three
were o:rown men when their brothers born in marria£e
were still children. Rolf became a great viking, and
was of so stout a growth that no horse could carry
him, and wheresoever he went he must go on foot ;
and therefore he was called Gange-Rolf.* He plun-
dered much in the East sea.f One summer, as he
was coming from the eastward on a viking's expedi-
tion to the coast of Yiken, he landed there and made
* Gange-Rolf, Rolf Ganger, Rolf the Walker^ was the conqueror of
Normandy. He appears to have had among his ancestors a Rolf
Ganger; so that the popular story of his great obesity, which seems
scarcely consistent with his great military activity, may not be literally
true.
•j" Austrvigr, the lands on the south side of the Baltic.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 293
a cattle foray.* As King Harald happened, just at
that time, to be in Yiken, he heard of it, and was in a
great rage; for he had forbid, by the greatest punish-
ment, the plundering within the bounds of the
country. The king assembled a Thing, and had Rolf
declared an outlaw over all Norway. When Rolf's
mother, Hilda, heard of it she hastened to the king,
and entreated peace for Rolf; but the king was so
enraged that her entreaty was of no avail. Then
Hilda spake these lines : —
^' Think'st thou, King Harald^, in thy anger,
To drive away my brave Rolf Ganger,
Like a mad w^olf, from out the land ?
Why, Harald, raise thy mighty hand?
Why banish Naefia's gallant name-son.
The brother of brave udal-men ?
Why is thy cruelty so fell?
Bethink thee, monarch, it is ill
With such a wolf at wolf to play,
Who, driven to the wild woods away.
May make the king's best deer his prey."
Gauge- Rolf went afterwards over sea to the West to
the Hebudes, or Sydreyarf; and at last farther west
to Yalland J, where he plundered and subdued for
himself a great earldom, which he peopled with
Northmen, from which that land is called Normandy.
Gange-Rolf 's son was William, father to Richard, and
grandfather to another Richard, who was the father
of Richard Longspear, and grandfather of WiUiam
the Bastard, from whom all the following English
kings are descended. From Gange-Rolf also are
* A strandhogg, or foray for cattle to be slaughtered on the strand,
for his ships.
I Sydreyar, — of which we still retain the name Sodor, applied to the
bishopric of Sodor and Man, — was the southern division of the Hebrides,
or Hebudes.
\ Valland was the name applied to all the west coast of France, but
more particularly to Bretagne, as being inhabited by the Valer or inha-
bitants of Wales and Cornwales (Cornwall), expelled by the Saxons
from Great Britain in the last half of the 5th century. The adjective
Valskr (Welsh) was used to denote what belonged to this Valland.
u 3
SAGA HI.
294
CHRONICLE OF THE
Chapter
XXV.
Of the
Laplander
Swase and
King Ha-
rald.
SAGA III. descended the earls in Normandy. Queen Ragnhild
the Mighty hved three years after she came to Nor-
way ; and, after her death, her son and King Harald's
was taken to Thorer Hroaldson, and Eric was fostered
by him.
King Harald, one winter, went about in guest-quar-
ters in Upland, and had ordered a Christmas feast to
be prepared for him at the farm Thopte.* On Christ-
mas eve came Swase to the door, just as the king went
to table, and sent a message to the king to ask if he
would go out with him. The king was angry at such
a message, and the man who had brought it in took
out with him a reply of the king's displeasure. But
Swase, notwithstanding, desired that his message
should be delivered a second time ; adding to it, that
he was the Laplander whose hut the king had pro-
mised to visit, and which stood on the other side of
the ridge. Now the king went out, and promised to
follow him, and went over the ridge to his hut,
although some of his men dissuaded him. There
stood Snaefrid, the daughter of Swase, a most beautiful
girl ; and she filled a cup of mead for the king. But
he took hold both of the cup and of her hand. Imme-
diately it was as if a hot fire went through his body ;
and he wanted that very night to take her to his bed.
But Swase said that should not be unless by main
force, if he did not first make her his lawful wife.
Now King Harald made Sna3frid his lawful wife, and
loved her so passionately that he forgot his kingdom,
and all that belonged to his high dignity. They had
four sons: the one was Sigurd Rise; the others
Halfdan Haaleg, Gudrod Liome, and Rognvald Kettil-
been. Thereafter Snaefrid died ; but her corpse never
changed, but was as fresh and red as when she lived.
The king sat always beside her, and thought she
* Now Tofte, near the head of GudbrandsdaL
KINGS OF NORWAY. 295
would come to life again. And so it went on for sacxa m.
three years that he was sorrowing over her death,
and the people over his delusion. At last Thorleif
the Wise succeeded, by his prudence, in curing him of
his delusion by accosting him thus : — " It is nowise
wonderful, king, that thou grievest over so beautiful
and noble a wife, and bestowest costly coverlets and
beds of down on her corpse, as she desired ; but these
honours fall short of what is due, as she still lies in the
same clothes. It would be more suitable to raise her,
and change her dress." As soon as the body was
raised in the bed all sorts of corruption and foul
smells came from it, and it was necessary in all haste
to gather a pile of wood and burn it ; but before this
could be done the body turned blue, and worms,
toads, newts, paddocks, and all sorts of ugly reptiles
came out of it, and it sank into ashes. Now the king
came to his understanding again, threw the madness
out of his mind, and after that day ruled his kingdom
as before. He was strengthened and made joyful by
his subjects, and his subjects by him, and the country
by both.
After King Harald had experienced the cunning of Chapter
the Laplander, he was so angry that he drove from of xhio-
him the sons he had with her, and would not suffer u^L^i u.o
I riuine, liie
them before his eyes. But one of them, Gudrod Scaid.
Liome, went to his foster-father Thiodolf, and asked
him to go to the king, who was then in the Uplands ;
for Thiodolf was a great friend of the king. And so
they Avent, and came to the king's house late in the
evening, and sat down together unnoticed near the
door. The king walked up and down the floor casting
his eye along the benches ; for he had a feast in the
house, and the mead was just mixed. The king
then murmured out these lines : —
'^' Tell me^ ye aged grey-haired heroes.
Who have come here to seek repose,
u 4
296
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapter.
XXVII.
Of Earl
Turf.
Einar's
obtaining
Orkney.
Wherefore must I so many keep
Of such a set, who, one and all,
Right dearly love their souls to steep,
From morn till night, in the mead-bowl ? "
Then Thiodolf replies : —
*• A certain wealthy chief, I think.
Would gladly have had more to drink
With him, upon one bloody day.
When crowns were cracked in our sword-play."
Thiodolf then took off his hat, and the king recognised
him, and gave him a friendly reception. Thiodolf
then begged the king not to cast off his sons ; " for
they would with great pleasure have taken a better
family descent upon the mother's side, if the king had
given it to them." The king assented, and told him
to take Gudrod with him as formerly ; and he sent
Halfdan and Sigurd to Ringerige, and Rognvald to
Hadeland, and all was done as the king ordered. They
grew up to be very clever men, very expert in all
exercises. In these times King Harald sat in peace
in the land, and the land enjoyed quietness and good
crops.
When Earl Rognvald in More heard of the death of
his brother Earl Sigurd, and that the vikings were in
possession of the country, he sent his son Hallad west-
ward, who took the title of earl to begin with, and
had many men-at-arms with him. When he arrived
at the Orkney Islands, he established himself in the
country ; but both in harvest, mnter, and spring, the
vikings cruised about the isles, plundering the head-
lands, and committing depredations on the coast.
Then Earl Hallad grew tired of the business, resigned
his earldom, took up again his rights as an udaller*, and
afterwards returned eastward into Norway. When Earl
* This condition of holldr which Hallad resumed on resigning the
earldom is explained, in the Landzleygu-balk of the Gulathing Law of
King Magnus, to have been that of a holder of inherited udal-land, not
purchased, but received by hereditary right.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 297
Rognvald heard of this he was ill pleased with Hallad, saga m.
and said his sons were very unlike their ancestors.
Then said Einar, " I have enjoyed but httle honour
among you, and have little affection here to lose : now
if you will give me force enough, I will go west to the
islands, and promise you what at any rate will please
you — that you shall never see me again." Earl
Rognvald replied, that he would be glad if he never
came back ; " For there is little hope," said he, '' that
thou will ever be an honour to thy friends, as all thy
kin on the mother's side are born slaves." Earl
Rognvald gave Einar a vessel completely equipped,
and he sailed with it into the West sea in harvest.
When he came to the Orkney Isles, two vikings,
Thorer Traeskseg, and Kalf Sturfa, were in his way
with two vessels. He attacked them instantly, gained
the battle, and slew the two vikings. He was called
Turf-Einar, because he cut peat for fuel, there being
no iire-wood, as in Orkney there are no woods. He
afterwards was earl over the islands, and was a mighty
man. He was ugly, and blind of an eye, yet very
sharp-sighted mthal.
Guttorm* dwelt principally at Tunsberg, and go- Chaptkr
verned the whole of Yiken when the king was not King ehc
there. He defended the land, which, at that time, Eymunds-
was much plundered by the vikings. There were
disturbances also up in Gotland as long as King Eric
Eymundsson lived ; but he died when King Harald
had been ten years king of all Norway.
After Eric, his son Biorn was king of Sweden for Chapter
fifty years. He was father of Eric the Victorious, c^tttrm's
and of Olaf the father of Styrbiorn. Guttorm died ^^eath in
on a bed of sickness at Tunsberg, and King Harald ""^ ^'^*
gave his son Guttorm the government of that part of
his dominions, and made him chief of it.
* Duke Guttorm, Harald Haarfager's uncle.
298
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III.
Chapter
XXX.
Earl Rogn-
vald burnt
in his
house.
Chapter
XXXI.
Halfdan
Haaleg's
death.
When King Harald was forty years of age many of
his sons were well advanced, and indeed they all came
early to strength and manhood. And now they began to
take it ill that the king would not give them any part
of the kingdom, but put earls into every district ; for
they thought earls were of inferior birth to them.
Then Halfdan Haaleg, and Gudrod Liome set off one
spring with a great force, and came suddenly upon
Earl Rognvald, earl of More, and surrounded the
house in which he was, and burnt him and sixty men
in it. Thereafter Halfdan took three long-ships, and
fitted them out, and sailed into the West sea ; but
Gudrod set himself down in the land which Rognvald
formerly had. Now when King Harald heard this
he set out with a great force against Gudrod, who had
no other way left but to surrender, and he was sent
to Agder. King Harald then set Earl Rognvald' s son
Thorer over More, and gave him his daughter Alof
in marriage. Thorer, called the Silent, got the same
territory his father Rognvald had possessed.
Halfdan Haaleg came very unexpectedly to Orkney,
and Earl Einar immediately fled ; but came back soon
after, about harvest time, unnoticed by Halfdan.
They met, and after a short battle Halfdan fled the
same night. Einar and his men lay all night without
tents, and when it was light in the morning they
searched the whole island, and killed every man they
could lay hold of. Then Einar said, " What is that
I see upon the isle of Ronaldsha? Is it a man or a
bird ? Sometimes it raises itself up, and sometimes lies
down again." They went to it, and found it was
Halfdan Haaleg, and took him prisoner.
Earl Einar sang the following song the evening
before he went into this battle : —
" Where is the spear of Rollaug } * where
Is stout Rolf Ganger's bloody spear ?
* Rollaug, Rolf Ganger, Thorer the Silent, and Einar were all sons
KINGS OF NORWAY.
299
I see them not ; yet never fear, saga hi.
For Einar will not vengeance spare '
Against his father's murderers, though
RoUaug and Rolf are somewhat slow,
And silent Thorer sits and dreams
At home, beside the mead-bowl's streams."
Thereafter Earl Einar went ujd to Halfdan, and cut
a spread eagle upon his back*, by striking his sword
through his back into his belly, dividing his ribs from
the back-bone down to his loins, and tearing out his
lungs ; and so Halfdan was killed. Einar then sang : —
*^^ For Rognvald's death my sword is red :
Of vengeance it cannot be said
That Einar's share is left unsped.
So now, brave boys, let's raise a mound, —
Heap stones and gravel on the ground
O'er Halfdan's corpse ; this is the way
We Norsemen our scatt duties pay."
Then Earl Einar took possession of the Orkney Isles
as before. Now when these tidings came to Norway,
Halfdan's brothers took it much to heart, and thought
that his death demanded vengeance ; and many were
of the same opinion. When Einar heard this, he
sang : —
" Many a stout udal-man, I know,
Has cause to wish my head laid low;
And many an angry udal knife
Would gladly drink of Einar's life.
But ere they lay Earl Einar low, —
Ere this stout heart betrays its cause.
Full many a heart will writhe, we know,
In the wolf's fangs, or eagle's claws."
King Harald now ordered a levy, and gathered a Chapter
great force, Avith which he proceeded westward to King Ha-
Orkney ; and when Earl Einar heard that King Harald ^Ih^e?
reconciled.
of that Earl Rognvald whom Harald Haarfager's sons, and among them
Halfdan, had surprised and burnt in his house. They ought, accord-
ing to the opinion of the times, to have taken vengeance as well as
Einar on the murderers.
■]■ This kind of punishment was called rista orn — to cut an eagle.
300
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III. was come, he fled over to Caithness,
following verses on this occasion : —
He made the
Chapter
XXXIII.
Death of
Guttorm.
Death of
Halfdan
the White.
^' Many a bearded man must roam,
An exile from his house and home.
For cow or horse ; but Halfdan's gore
Is red on Ronaldsha's wild shore.
A nobler deed — on Harald's shield
The arm of one who ne'er will yield
Has left a scar. Let peasants dread
The vengeance of the Norsemen's head ;
I reck not of his wrath, but sing,
* Do thy worst ! — I defy thee, king ! ' "
Men and messages, however, passed between the king
and the earl, and at last it came to a conference ; and
when they met the earl submitted the case altogether
to the king's decision, and the king condemned the
earl and the Orkney people to pay a fine of sixty
marks of gold. As the bonders thought this was too
heavy for them to pay, the earl offered to pay the
whole if they would surrender their udal lands to him.
This they all agreed to do : the poor because they had
but little pieces of land ; the rich because they could
redeem their udal rights again when they liked.
Thus the earl paid the whole fine to the king, who
returned in harvest to Norway. The earls for a long
time afterwards possessed all the udal lands in Orkney,
until Sigurd Lodvison gave back' the udal rights.'^
While King Harald's son Guttorm had the defence
of Viken, he sailed outside of the islands on the coast,
and came in by one of the mouths of the Gotha river.
When he lay there Solve Klof came upon him, and
immediately gave him battle, and Guttorm fell. Half-
dan the White and Halfdan the Black went out on an
expedition, and plundered in the East sea, and had a
battle in Eastland f, where Halfdan the White fell.
* There are still a few udal properties in Orkney, and many which
are described in the feudal charters as having been udal lands of old.
■j* Eastland is Esthonia.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
301
Eric, Harald's son, was fostered in the house of the sagajh.
herse Thorer, son of Hroald, in the Fiord district. Chapter
. XXXIV.
He was the most beloved and honoured by King Marriage
Harald of all his sons. When Eric was twelve years ^^^^^J/^ing
old, King Harald gave him five long-ships, with which Haraid.
he went on an expedition, — first in the Baltic ; then
southwards to Denmark, Friesland *, and Saxonland ;
on which expedition he passed four years. He then
sailed out into the West sea, and plundered in Scot-
land, Bretlandf, Ireland, and VallandJ, and passed
four years more in this way. Then he sailed north to
rinmark§, and all the way to Biarmeland||, where he
had many a battle, and won many a victory. When
he came back to Finmark, his men found a girl in a
Lapland hut, whose equal for beauty they never had
seen. She said her name was Gunhild, and that her
father dwelt in Halogaland, and was called Ozur Tote.
'' I am here," she said, '' to learn Lapland-art, from
two of the most knowing Laplanders in all Finmark,
who are now out hunting. They both want me in
marriage. They are so skilful that they can hunt out
traces either upon the frozen or the thawed earth,
like dogs ; and they can run so swiftly on snow-scates,
that neither man nor beast can come near them in
speed. They hit whatever they take aim at, and thus
kill every man who comes near them. When they
* Friesland appears to have been the name given to the w^hole coast
from the Eyder in Schleswig to North Holland, aiid to have been called
Saxonland (Saxland) or Friesland.
•]■ Bretland (Britton land) was that part of Britain inhabited by the
ancient inhabitants. The sagas give the name of England only to the
parts inhabited by the Anglo-Saxons. "Wales, Cornwall, and the west
coast of the island, are always called Bretland.
"I* Valland, the west coast of France, in which the inhabitants of
Wales and Cornwall settled in the 5th century.
§ Finmark is the country we call Lapland in the north of Norway
and Sweden.
II Biarmeland was the coast of the White Sea about the mouth of
the Dwina, and now the Russian province of Archangel.
302 CHKONICLE OF THE
SAGA III, are angry the very earth turns away in terror, and
whatever Hving thmg they look upon then falls dead.
Now ye must not come in their way ; but I will hide
you here in the hut, and ye must try to get them
killed." They agreed to it, and she hid them, and
then took a leather bag, in which they thought there
were ashes which she took in her hand, and strewed
both outside and inside of the hut. Shortly after the
Laplanders came home, and asked who had been there ;
and she answered, " Nobody has been here." " That
is wonderful," said they ; " we followed the traces close
to the hut, and can find none after that." Then they
kindled a fire, and made ready their meat, and Gun-
hild prepared her bed. It had so happened that
Gunhild had slept the three nights before, but the
Laplanders had watched the one upon the other,
being jealous of each other. " Now," she said to
the Laplanders, " come here, and lie down one
on each side of me." On which they were very
glad to do so. She laid an arm round the neck of
each, and they went to sleep directly. She roused
them up ; but they fell to sleep again instantly, and
so soundly that she scarcely could waken them.
She even raised them up in the bed, and still they
slept. Thereupon she took two great seal-skin bags,
and put their heads in them, and tied them fast under
their arms ; and then she gave a wink to the king's
men. They run forth with their weapons, kill the
two Laplanders, and drag them out of the hut. That
same night came such a dreadful thunder-storm that
they could not stir. Next morning they came to the
ship, taking Gunhild with them, and presented her to
Eric. Eric and his followers then sailed southwards
to Halogaland; and he sent word to Ozur Tote, the
girl's father, to meet him. Eric said he would take his
daughter in marriage, to which Ozur Tote consented ;
and Eric took Gunhild, and went southwards with her.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 303
When King Harald was fifty years of age many saga^ii.
of his sons were e-rown up, and some were dead, chapter
• . . XXXV
Many of them committed acts of great violence in Haraiddi-
the country, and were in discord amone; themselves, yi^es his
pi« kingdom
They drove some of the kmg s earls out of their pro- among his
perties, and even killed some of them. Then the king ^°"^'
called together a numerous Thing in the south part
of the country, and summoned to it all the people of
the Uplands. At this Thing he gave to all his sons
the title of king, and made a law that his descendants
in the male line should each succeed to the kingly
title and dignity; but his descendants by the female
side only to that of earl. And he divided the country
among them thus: — Vingulmark, Kaumarige, West-
fold, and Thelemark, he bestowed on Olaf, Biorn,
Sigtryg, Frode, and Thorgil. Hedemark and Gud-
brandsdal he gave to Dag, Eing, and Eagnar. To
Snaefrid's sons he gave Eingerige, Hadeland, Thoten,
and the lands thereto belonging. His son Guttorm,
as before mentioned, he had set over the country
from Swinesund to the Glommen, and to defend the
country eastwards. King Harald himself generally
dwelt in the middle of the country, and Eaerek and
Gudrod were generally with his court, and had
great estates in Hordeland and in Sogn. King Eric
was also with his father King Harald ; and the king
loved and regarded him the most of all his sons, and
gave him Halogaland, and North More, and Eaums-
dale. North in Drontheim he gave Halfdan the
Black, Halfdan the White, and Sigurd land to rule
over. In each of these districts he gave his sons the
one half of his revenues, together with the right to
sit on a high seat, — a step higher than earls, but a step
lower than his own high seat. His king's seat each
of his sons wanted for himself after his death, but he
himself destined it for Eric. The Drontheim people
wanted Halfdan the Black to succeed to it. The
304
CHRONICLE OF THE
s^GAj.u. people of Yiken, and the Uplands, wanted those under
whom they lived. And thereupon new quarrels arose
among the brothers ; and because they thought their
dominions too little, they drove about in piratical
expeditions. In this way, as before related, Guttorm
fell at the river Quislen, slain by Solve Klofe ; upon
which Olaf took the kingdom he had possessed.
Halfdan the White fell in Eastland, Halfdan Haaleg
in Orkney. King Harald gave ships of war to Thor-
gils and Frode, with which they went westward on a
viking cruise, and plundered in Scotland, Ireland, and
Bretland. They were the first of the Northmen who
took Dublin. It is said that Erode got poisoned
drink there ; but Thorgil was a long time king over
Dublin, until he fell into a snare of the Irish, and
was killed.
Eric Bloodyaxe expected to be head king over all
his brothers, and King Harald intended he should be
and the father and son lived long together.
Chapter
XXXVI.
Death of
Rognvald
Rettilbein.
Chapter
XXXVII.
so
Hognvald Rettilbein governed Hadeland, and allowed
himself to be instructed in the arts of witchcraft, and
became a great warlock. Now King Harald was a
hater of all witchcraft. There was a warlock in Hor-
deland called Yitgeir ; and when the king sent a
message to him that he should give up his art of
witchcraft, he replied in this verse : —
" The danger surely is not great
From wizards born of mean estate,
When Harald's son in Hadeland,
King Rognvald, to the art lays hand."
But when King Harald heard this. King Eric Bloody-
axe went by his orders to the Uplands, and burned
his brother Rognvald in a house, along with eighty
other warlocks ; which work was much praised.
Gudrod Liome was in winter on a friendly visit to
Of Gudrod his foster-father Thiodolf in Huine, and had a well-
lome. manned ship, with which he wanted to go north to
KINGS OF NORWAY. 305
Eogaland. It was blowing a heavy storm at the thue ; saga m.
but Gudrocl was bent on sailing, and would not con-
sent to wait. Thiodolf sang thus : —
*' Wait, Gudrodj till the storm is past, —
Loose not thy long-ship while the blast
Howls over head so furiously, —
Trust not thy long-ship to the sea, —
Loose not thy long-ship from the shore :
Hark to the ocean's angry roar !
See how the very stones are tost.
By raging waves high on the coast!
Stay, Gudrod, till the tempest's o'er —
Deep runs the sea off Jeddern's shore."
Gudrod set off in spite of what Thiodolf could say ;
and when they came off Jedderen the vessel sunk
with them, and all on board were lost.
King Harald's son, Biorn, ruled over Westfold at Chapter
that time, and generally lived at Tunsberg, and went King Biorn
but little on war expeditions. Tunsbero; at that time ^\^ ^^'■"
•^ o chant s
was much frequented by merchant vessels, both from death.
Viken and the north country, and also from the south,
from Denmark, and Saxonland. King Biorn had also
merchant ships on voyages to other lands, by which
he procured for himself costly articles, and such
things as he thought needful ; and therefore his bro-
thers called him the Freio^htman, and the Merchant.
Biorn was a man of sense and understanding, and
promised to become a good ruler. He made a good
and suitable marriage, and had a son by his wife, who
was named Gudrod. Eric Bloodyaxe came from his
Baltic cruise with ships of war, and a great force, and
required his brother Biorn to deliver to him King
Harald's share of the scatt and incomes of Westfold.
But it had always been the custom before, that Biorn
himself cither delivered the money into the king's
hands, or sent men of his own with it ; and therefore
he would continue with the old custom, and would
not deliver the money. Eric again wanted provisions,
tents, and liquor. The brothers quarrelled about this ;
VOL. I. X
306 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III. i3ut Eric got nothing, and left the town. Biorn went
also out of the town towards evening up to Seaheim.
In the night Eric came back after Biorn, and came to
Seaheim just as Biorn and his men were seated at table
drinking. Eric surrounded the house in which they
were ; but Biorn with his men went out and fought.
Biorn, and many men with him, fell. Eric, on the other
hand, got a great booty, and proceeded northwards.
But this work was taken very ill by the people of
Yiken, and Eric was much disliked for it ; and the
report went that King Olaf would avenge his brother
Biorn, whenever opportunity oiFered. King Biorn lies
in the Freightman's mound at Seaheim.*
Chapter King Eric wcut iu wlutcr northwards to More, and
ofui^r^' was at a feast in Solva, within the point Agdanesf;
conciliation g^j^d whcu Halfdau heard of it he set out with his men,
kings. and surrounded the house in which they were. Eric
slept in a room Avhich stood detached by itself, and he
escaped into the forest with five others ; but Halfdan
and his men burnt the main house, with all the people
Avho were in it. With this news Eric came to Kins:
Harald, who was very wroth at it, and assembled a
great force against the Drontheim people. When
Halfdan the Black heard this he levied ships and
men, so that he had a great force, and proceeded with
it to Stad, within Thorsberg. King Harald lay with
his • men at Reinplain. Now people went between
them, and among others a clever man called Guttorm
Sindre, who was then in Halfdan's army, but had
been formerly in the service of King Harald, and was
a great friend of both. Guttorm was a great scald,
and had once composed a song both about the father
and the son, for which they had offered him a reward.
* Seaheim, called afterwards Semb or Sern_, is a farm now called
Jarlsberg, about two miles from the town of Tunsberg. The Freight-
man's mound is still to be seen.
^ Agdaness is the south point of land at the entrance of the Dron-
theim fiord.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
307
But he would take nothing; but only asked that, saga m.
some day or other, they should grant him any request
he should make, which they promised to do. Now he
j)resented himself to King Harald, — brought words
of peace between them, ancl made the request to them
both that they should be reconciled. So highly did
the king esteem him, that in consequence of his re-
quest they were reconciled. Many other able men
promoted this business as well as he ; and it was so
settled that Halfdan should retain the whole of his
kingdom as he had it before, and should let his brother
Eric sit in peace.
Earl Hakon Griotgardsson of Lade had the whole
Chapteh
XL.
rule over Drontheim when King Harald was any p^j^th oi
where away in the country ; and Hakon stood higher Hakon the
with the king than any in the country of Dron-
theim. After Hakon's death his son Sigurd suc-
ceeded to his power in Drontheim, and was the earl,
and had his mansion at Lade. King Harald's sons,
Halfdan the Black, and Sigrod, who had been before
in the house of his father Earl Hakon, continued to
be brought up in his house. Tke sons of Harald and
Sigurd were about the same age. Earl Sigurd was
one of the wisest men of his time, and married Berg-
liot, a daughter of Earl Thorer the Silent ; and her
mother was Alof Aarbot, a daughter of Harald Haar-
fager. When King Harald began to grow old he
generally dwelt on some of his great farms in Hor da-
land ; namely, Alrekstad, or Sa^im, Fitiar, Utstein, or
Augvaldsness in the island Kormt. When Harald
was seventy years of age he begat a son with a girl
called Thora Mosterstang, because her family came
from Moster. She was descended from good people,
being connected with Horda-Kaare ; and was moreover
a very stout and remarkably handsome girl. She was
called the king's servant girl ; for at that time many
were subject to service to the king who were of good
X 2
308
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA III. birth, both men and women. Then it was the custom,
with people of consideration, to choose with great care
the man who should pour water over their children,
and give them a name. Now when the time came
that Thora, who was then at Moster, expected her
confinement, she would go to King Harald, who was
then living at Sseim ; and she went northwards in a
ship belonging to Earl Sigurd. They lay at night
close to the land ; and there Thora brought forth a
child upon the land, up among the rocks, close to the
ship's gangway, and it was a man child. Earl Sigurd
poured water over him, and called him Plakon^, after
his own father, Hakon earl of Lade. The boy soon
grew handsome, large in size, and very like his father
King Harald. King Harald let him follow his mo-
ther, and they were both in the king's house as long
as he was an infant.
At this time a king called Athelstan had taken
the kingdom of England. He sent men to Norway
to King Harald, with the errand that the messengers
should present him with a sword, with the hilt and
* It may be doubted if baptism with water was really an observance
in the Odin religion. It could have no meaning to the Odin worship-
pers; and if really used must have been borrowed from Christianity,
and used as a charm. It is very possible that all the passages about
pouring water over a child, on giving it a name, are interpolated by the
scald in relating the sagas, in order to avoid the awkwardness of making
the immediate ancestors of those to whom he was relating them hea-
thens who had died unbaptized. We find those who attained power
and transmitted it to their descendants have had water poured over
them at their birth ; but of others nothing of the kind is related.
Harald Haarfager, this Hakon, Olaf, Magnus, are stated to have been
thus baptized ; but we hear nothing of the baptism of any of Haar-
fager's other sons, who happened not to leave posterity in power after
Christianity was established. Eric Bloodyaxe, his favourite and eldest
son, appears not to have been baptized. Baptism does not appear con-
nected with any thing in the Odin religion that we can gather from the
Eddas. It is possibly a courtly compliment of the scald, to have given
his heroes this Christain rite in telling their story to their Christianised
descendants. We find, in Chapter 43., that Athelstan had Hakon bap-
tized and instructed in the Christian faith ; so that this first baptism
seems doubtful.
Chatter
XLI.
King
Athelstan's
message.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
309
handle gilt, and also the whole sheath adorned with saga m.
gold and silver, and set with precious jewels. The
ambassadors presented the sword-hilt to the king,
saying, " Here is a sword which King Athelstan
sends thee, with the request that thou wilt accept
it." The king took the sword by the handle ; where-
upon the ambassadors said, " Now thou hast taken
the sword according to our king's desire, and there-
fore aa*t thou his subject, as thou hast taken his
sword.^' King Harald saw now that this was a jest,
for he aVouM be subject to no man. But he remem-
bered it was his rule, whenever any thing raised his
anger, to collect himself, and let his passion run off,
and then take the matter into consideration coolly.
Now he did so, and consulted his friends, who all
gave him the advice to let the ambassadors, in the
first place, go home in safety.
The following summer King Harald sent a ship Chapter
westward to England, and gave the command of it Hauk's
to Hauk Haabrok. He was a 2:reat warrior, and very i^^^'^fy}^
dear to the king. Into his hands he gave his son
Hakon. Hauk proceeded westward to England, and
found the king in London, where there was just at
the time a great feast and entertainment. When they
came to the hall, Hauk told his men how they should
conduct themselves ; namely, that he w^ho went first
in should go last out, and all should stand in a
row at the table, at equal distance from each other ;
and each should have his sword at his left side, but
should fasten his cloak so that his sword should not
be seen. Then they went into the hall, thirty in
number. Hauk went up to the king and saluted
him, and the king bade him welcome. Then Hauk
took the child Hakon, and set it on the king's knee.
The king looks at the boy, and asks Hauk what the
meaning of this is. Hauk replies, '' Harald the
king bids thee foster his servant-girl's child." The
X 3
to
310 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA TIL king was in great anger, and seized a sword which
lay beside him, and drew it, as if he was going to kill
the child. Hauk says, " Thou hast borne him on thy
knee, and thou canst murder him if thou wilt ; but
thou wilt not make an end of all King Harald's sons
by so doing." On that Hauk went out with all his
men, and took the way direct to his ship, and put to
sea, — for they were ready, — and came back to King
Harald. The king was highly pleased mth this ; for
it is the common observation of all people, that the
man who fosters another's children is of less consi-
deration than the other. From these transactions be-
tween the two kings, it appears that each wanted to be
held greater than the other ; but in truth there was
no injury to the dignity of either, for each was the
upper king in his own kingdom till his dying day.
Chapter King Athclstau had Hakon baptized, and brought
mk^n, the ^P i^ "the right faith, and in good habits, and all sorts
foster-son q{ excrciscs, and he loved Hakon above all his rela-
stan,isbap- tious ; and Hakou was beloved by all men. Athelstan
*^^^^* was a man of understanding and eloquence, and also
a good Christian. King Athelstan gave Hakon a
sword, of which the hilt and handle were gold, and
the blade still better ; for with it Hakon cut down a
mill-stone to the centre eye, and the sword thereafter
was called the Quernbiter. Better sword never came
into Norway, and Hakon carried it to his dying day.
Chapter Whcu King Harald was eighty years of age he be-
Eric is came very heavy, and unable to travel through the
brought to country, or do the business of a kino*. Then he
the sove- ii« t^ • i«i«i i
reignty. brought liis SOU Kric to his high seat, and gave him
the power and command over the whole land. Now
when King Harald's other sons heard this. King
Halfdan the Black also took a king's high seat, and
took all Drontheim land, with the consent of all the
* Quern is still the name of the small hand mill-stones still found
in use among the cottars in Orkney, Shetland, and the Hebrides.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 311
people, under his rule as upper king. After the death saga m.
of Biorn the Merchant, his brother Olaf took the
command over Westfold, and took Biorn's son,
Gudrod, as his foster-child. Olaf's son was called
Tryggve ; and the two foster-bothers were about the
same age, and were hopeful and clever. Tryggve,
especially, was remarkable as a stout and strong man.
Now when the people of Yiken heard that those of
Horden had taken Eric as upper king, they did the
same, and made Olaf the upper king in Viken, which
kingdom he retained. Eric did not like tliis at all.
Two years after this, Halfdan the Black died sud-
denly at a feast in Drontheim, and the general report
was, that Gunhild had bribed a witch to givQ him a
death-drink. Thereafter the Drontheim people took
Sigrod to be their king.
Kino; Harald lived three years after he e^ave Eric Ckapter
. . . . XLV
the supreme authority over his kingdom, and lived i-^^-^„ Ha-
mostly on his great farms which he possessed, some raid's death,
in Eoixaland, and some in Hordaland. Eric and Gun-
hild had a son, on whom King Harald poured water,
and gave him his own name, and the promise that
he should be king after his father Eric. King Harald
married most of his daughters within the country to
his earls, and from them many great families are
descended. Kins; Harald died on a bed of sickness in
Eogaland, and was buried under a mound at Hougar
in Kormsund. In Hougasund is a church, now
standing ; and not far from the churchyard, at the
north-west side, is King Harald Haarfager's mound ;
but his grave-stone stands west of the church, and is
thirteen feet and a half high, and two ells broad.
The grave, mound, and stone, are there to the present
day.* Harald Haarfager was, according to the report
* The stone and some remains of the mound are still to be seen at
Gar, or the Gaard, the principal farm-house in the parish of Korm-
sund.
X 4
312
CHRONICLE OF THE
Chapter
XLVI.
The death
of Olaf
and of
Sigrod.
SAGA III. of men of knowledge, of remarkably handome appear-
ance, great and strong, and very generous and affa-
ble to Ills men. He was a great warrior in his youth ;
and people think that this was foretold by his mo-
ther's dream before his birth, as the lowest part of
the tree she dreamt of was red as blood. The stem
again was green and beautiful, which betokened his
flourishing kingdom ; and that the tree was white at
the top showed that he should reach a grey-haired
old age. The branches and twigs showed forth his
posterity, spread over the whole land : for of his race,
ever since, Norway has always had kings.*
King Eric took all the revenues which the king
had in the middle of the country, the next winter
after King Harald's decease. But Olaf took all the
revenues eastward in Yiken, and their brother Sigrod
all that of the Drontheim country. Eric was very
ill pleased with this ; and the report went that he
would attempt with force to get the sole sovereignty
over the country, in the same way as his father had
given it to him. Now when Olaf and Sigrod heard
this, messengers passed between them ; and after ap-
pointing a meeting place, Sigrod went eastward in
spring to Viken, and he and his brother Olaf met at
Tunsberg, and remained there a while. The same
spring King Eric levied a great force, and ships, and
steered towards Yiken. He got such a strong steady
gale that he sailed night and day, and came faster
than the news of him. When he came to Tunsberg,
Olaf and Sigrod, with their forces, went out of the
town a little eastward to a ridge, where they drew up
their men in battle order ; but as Eric had many
more men, he won the battle. Both brothers, Olaf
and Sigrod, fell there ; and both their grave-mounds
* According to Schoning, Harald Haarfager died in Q36. His son
Hakon was born 923, and sent to England in 931. Athelstan of Eng-
land died, according to the Saxon Chronicle, in October, 94*1.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 313
are upon the ridge where they fell. Then King Eric
went through Viken, and subdued it, and remained
far into summer. Gudrod and Try ggve fled to the
Uplands. Eric was a stout handsome man, strong,
and very manly, — a great and fortunate man of war;
but bad-minded, gruff, unfriendly, and silent. Gun-
hild, his wife, was the most beautiful of women, —
clever, with much knowledge, and lively ; but a very
false person, and very cruel in disposition. The
children of King Eric and Gunhild Avere, Gamle, the
oldest; then Guttorm, Harald, Ragnfrid, Ragnhild,
Erling, Gudrod, and Sigurd Sieve. All were hand-
some, and of manly appearance.
SAGA III.
314
CHRONICLE OF THE
lY.
sAGA^v. HAKON THE GOOD'S SAGA.
Chapter Hakon *, Atlielstaii's foster-son, was in England at the
Hakon time he heard of his father King Harald's death, and
king!" ^^ immediately made himself ready to depart. King
Athelstan gave him men, and a choice of good ships,
and fitted him out for his journey most excellently.
In harvest time he came to Norway, where he heard
of the death of his brothers, and that King Eric was
then in Yiken. Then Hakon sailed northwards to
Drontheim, where he went to Sigurd earl of Lade,
who was the ablest man in Norway. He gave Hakon
a good reception ; and they made a league with each
other, by which Hakon promised great power to Si-
gurd if he was made king. They assembled then a
numerous Thing, and Sigurd the earl recommended
Hakon's cause to the Thing f, and proposed him to
the bonders as king. Then Hakon himself stood up
and spoke ; and the people said to each other, two and
two, as they heard him, " Harald Haarfager is come
again, and grown young." The beginning of Ha-
kon's speech was, that he offered himself to the bon-
ders as king, and desired from them the title of king,
and aid and forces to defend the kingdom. He pro-
mised, on the other hand, to make all the bonders udal-
holders, and give every man udal rights to the land
he lived on. This speech met such joyful applause,
* Hakon the Good, Athelstan's foster-son, reigned from about the
year 937 to the year 96 1.
■j* This reference to a Thing appears from the saga to have been ne-
cessary, whatever the claim from hereditary right by succession may
have been to the kingdom.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
315
that the whole public cried and shouted that they saga i v.
would take him to be king. And so it was that the '
Drontheim people took Hakon, who was then fifteen
years old, for king; and he took a court or body-
guard, and servants, and proceeded through the
country. The news reached the Uplands that the
people in Drontheim had taken to themselves a king,
who in every respect was like King Harald Haarfa-
ger, — with the difference, that Harald had made all
the people of the land vassals*, and unfree ; but this
Hakon wished well to every man, and offered the
bonders to give them their udal rights again, which
Harald had taken from them. All were rejoiced at
this news, and it passed from mouth to mouth, — it
flew, like fire in dry grass, through the whole land,
and eastward to the land's end. Many bonders came
from the Uplands to meet King Hakon. Some sent
messages, some tokens ; and all to the same effect —
that his men they would be : and the king received
all thankfully.
Early in winter, the king went to the Uplands, and Chapter
summoned the people to a Thing ; and there streamed King
all to him who could come. He was proclaimed kins; ^^^'^^"'^
i o progress
at every Thing; and then he proceeded eastward to through the
Viken, where his brother's sons, Tryggve and Gudrod, '^^^^ ^^'
and many others, came unto him, and complained of
the sorrow and evil his brother Eric had wrought.
The hatred to King Eric grew more and more, the
more liking all men took to King Hakon ; and they
got more boldness to say what they thought. King
Hakon gave Tryggve and Gudrod the title of kings,
and the dominions which King Harald had bestowed
on their fathers. f Tryggve got Ranrige and Vingul-
* The policy of Harald Haarfager had evidently been to introduce
the feudal system into his kingdom, and it failed by his sons requiring
their udal right to equal shares in the kingdom.
"I* Tryggve and Gudrod were grandsons of Haarfager.
316
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV.
Chapter
III.
Eric's de-
parture
from the
country.
mark, and Gudrod Westfold ; but as they were young,
and in the years of childhood, he appointed able men
to rule the land for them. He gave them the country
on the same conditions as it had been given before, —
that they should have half of the scatt and revenues
with him. Towards spring King Hakon returned
north, over the Uplands, to Drontheim.
King Hakon, early in spring, collected a great
army at Drontheim, and fitted out ships. The people
of Yiken had also a great force on foot, and intended
to join Hakon. King Eric also levied people in the
middle of the country ; but it went badly with him to
gather people, for the leading men left him, and went
over to Hakon. As he saw himself not nearly strong
enough to oppose Hakon, he sailed out to the West
sea with such men as would follow him. He first
sailed to Orkney, and took many people with him from
that country; and then went south towards England,
plundering in Scotland, and in the north parts of
England, wherever he could land. Athelstan, the king
of England, sent a message to Eric, offering him do-
minions under him in England ; saying that King
Harald his father was a good friend of King Athel-
stan, and therefore he would do kindly towards his
sons. Messengers passed between the two kings ; and
it came to an agreement that King Eric should take
Northumberland as a fief from King Athelstan, and
which land he should defend against the Danes or
other vikings. Eric should let himself be baptized,
together with his wife and children, and all the people
who had followed him. Eric accepted this ofi'er, and
was baptized, and adopted the right faith. Northum-
berland is called a fifth part of England. Eric had
his residence at York, where Lodbrok's sons, it was
said, had formerly been, and Northumberland was
principally inhabited by Northmen. Since Lodbrok's
sons had taken the country, Danes and Northmen
KINGS OF NORWAY. 317
often plundered there, when the power of the land saga^iv.
was out of their hands. Many names of places in the
country are Norwegian ; as Grimsby *, Haukfliot, and
many others.
King Eric had many people about him, for he kept Chaiter
many Northmen who had come with him from the Eric's
East ; and also many of his friends had joined him '^^^^^^•
from Norway. But as he had little land, he went on
a cruise every summer, and plundered in Shetland,
the Hebrides, Iceland, and Bretland, by which he
gathered property. King Athelstan died on a sick
bed, after a reign of fourteen years, eight weeks, and
three days.f After him his brother JatmundJ was
king of England, and he was no friend to the North-
men. King Eric, also, was in no great favour with
him ; and the word went about that King Edmund
would set another chief over Northumberland. Now
when King Eric heard this, he set off on a viking
cruise to the westward ; and from the Orkneys took
with him the Earls Arnkel and Erlend, the sons of
Earl Torf-Einar. Then he sailed to the Hebrides,
where there were many vikings and troop-kings, who
joined their men to his. With all this force he
steered to Ireland first, where he took with him all
the men he could, and then to Bretland, and plun-
dered; and sailed thereafter south to England §, and
marauded there as elsewhere. The people lied be-
fore him wherever he appeared. As King Eric was a
bold warrior, and had a great force, he trusted so
* Grirasbae is no doubt Grimsby. Haukfliot is not now the name
of any place known generally.
•j" According to the Saxon Chronicle, Athelstan died in the year 941,
after a reign of fourteen years and ten weeks. Florence of Whitehorn,
who lived about the year 1110, places his death in 9^0, after a reign of
sixteen years.
J Jatmund, Edmund, Eadmund, in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, — a
difference in pronunciation of the same name.
§ England is applied to the parts occupied by the Anglo-Saxons, and
Bretland to the parts occupied by the Welsh and ancient Britons.
318
CHRONICLE OF THE
sAGA^iv. niuch to his people that he penetrated far inland in
the country, following and plundering the fugitives.
King Edmund had set a king, who was called Olaf, to
defend the land ; and he gathered an innumerable
mass of people, with whom he marched against King
Eric. A dreadful battle* ensued, in which many
Englishmen fell ; but for one who fell came three in
his place out of the country behind, and when evening
came on the loss of men turned on the side of the
Northmen, and many people fell. Towards the end
of the day. King Eric and live kings with him fell.
Three of them were Guttorm and his two sons, Ivar
and Harek : there fell, also, Sigurd and Ragnvald ; and
with them Torf-Einar's two sons, Arnkel and Erlend.
Besides these, there was a great slaughter of North-
men; and those who escaped went to Northumber-
land, and brought the news to Gunhild and her sons.
When Gunhild and her sons knew for certain that
King Eric had fallen, after having plundered the land
of the King of England, they thought there was no
peace to be expected for them ; and they made them-
selves ready to depart from Northumberland, with all
the ships King Eric had left, and all the men who
would follow them. They took also all the loose pro-
perty, and goods which they had gathered partly
as taxes in England, partly as booty on their expe-
ditions. With their army they first steered north-
ward to Orkney, Avhere Thorfin HausakliiFer was earl,
a son of Torf-Einar, and took up their station there
for a time. Eric's sons subdued these islands and
Shetland, took scatt for themselves, and staid there
all the winter ; but went on viking cruises in summer
to the West, and plundered in Scotland and Irelandc
About this Glum Geirason sings : —
Chai=ter
V.
Gunhild
and her
sons.
* This battle, according to the Saxon Chronicle, took place 944. It
mentions the fall of a Regenald — Rognvald — and an Aulaf.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 319
'' The hero who knows well to ride saga iv.
The sea-horse* o'er the foaming tide, —
He who in boyhood wild rode o'er
The seaman's horse to Scania's shore.
And showed the Danes his galley's bow,
Right nobly scours the ocean now.
On Scotland's coast he lights the brand
Of flaming war ; with conquering hand
Drives many a Scottish warrior tall
To the bright seats in Odin's hall.
The fire-spark, by the fiend of war
Fanned to a flame, soon spreads afar.
Crowds trembling fly, — the southern foes
Fall thick beneath the hero's blows :
The hero's blade drips red with gore.
Staining the green sward on the shore."
When King Eric had left the country, King Hakon, Chapter
Athelstan's foster-son, subdued the whole of Norway. Battle iu
The first winter he visited the western parts, and then J"^^^"^-
went north, and settled in Drontheim. But as no peace
could be reasonably looked for so long as King Eric
with his forces could come to Norway from the West
sea, he set himself with his men-at-arms in the middle
of the country, — in the Fiorde district, or in Sogn, or
Hordaland, or Eogaland. Hakon placed Sigurd earl
of Lade over the whole Drontheim district, as he and
his father had before had it under Harald Haarfager.
When King Hakon heard of his brother Eric's death,
and also that his sons had no footing in England, he
thought there was not much to fear from them, and he
went with his troops one summer eastward to Yiken.
At that time the Danes plundered often in Viken, and
wrought nmch evil there ; but when they heard that
King Hakon was come with a great army, they got
out of the way, — some to Sealand, or to Halland* ;
* The sea-horse, the ocean steed, &c., are common expressions for a
ship, — probably from many having had the figure-head of a horse on
the bow.
"j" Halland was part of the present Sweden. Denmark extended
over the provinces of Scania, Halland, and Bleiking, on the north or
Swedish side of the Sound, in the earliest times, and down to a late
period.
320
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. and those who were nearest to King Hakon went out
to sea, and over to Jutland. When the king heard of
this, he sailed after them with all his army. On ar-
riving at Jutland he plundered all round ; and when
the country people heard of it, they assembled in a
great body, and determined to defend their land, and
fight. There was a great battle; and King Hakon
fought so boldly, that he went forward before his
banner without helmet or coat of mail. King Hakon
won the victory, and drove the fugitives far up the
country. So says Guttorm Sindre, in his song of
Hakon : —
^' Furrowing the deep-blue sea with oars,
The king pursues to Jutland's shores.
They met ; and in the battle storm
Of clashing shields^ full many a form
Of goodly warrior on the plain.
Full many a corpse by Hakon slain.
Glutted the ravens, who from far.
Scenting the banquet- feast of war.
Came in black flocks to Jutland's plains
To drink the blood-wine from the veins."
Chapter
VI I.
Battle in
the Sound.
Then Hakon steered southwards with his fleet to
seek the vikings, and so on to Sealand. He rowed
with two cutters into the Sound, where he found
eleven viking ships, and instantly attacked them. It
ended in his gaining the victory, and clearing the
viking ships of all their men. So says Guttorm
Sindre : —
" Hakon the Brave, whose skill all know
To bend in battle storm the bow.
Rushed o'er the waves to Sealand's tongue.
His two war-ships with gilt shields hung,
And cleared the decks with his blue sword
That rules the fate of war, on board
Eleven ships of the Vendland men, — •
Famous is Hakon's name since then."
Thereafter King Hakon carried war far and Avide in
Sealand ; plundering some, slaying others, takmg some
Chapter
VIII.
King Ila-
peditionin prlsoucrs of War, taking ransom from others, — and all
Denmark.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 321
without opposition. Then Hakon proceeded along the saga iv.
coast of Scania, pillaging every where, levying taxes
and ransoms from the country, and killing all vikings,
both Danish and Yendish.* He then went eastwards
to the island of Gotland, marauded there, and took
great ransom from the country. So says Guttorm
Sindre : —
" Hakon, who midst the battle shock
Stands like a firmly-rooted oak^
Subdued all Sealand with the sword ;
From Vendland vikings the sea-bord
Of Scania swept ; and, with the shield
Of Odin cladj made Gotland yield
A ransom of the ruddy gold, »
Which Hakon to his war-men bold
Gave with free hand, who in his feud
Against the arrow-storm had stood."
King Hakon returned back in autumn with his army
and an immense booty ; and remained all the winter
in Yiken to defend it against the Danes and Gotlanders,
if they should attack it.
In the same -winter King Tryggve Olafsson returned Chapter
from a viking cruise in the West sea, having before of King
ravaged in Scotland and Ireland. In spring King '^•''^sve.
Hakon went north, and set his brother's son. King
Tryggve, over Yiken f to defend that country against
enemies. He gave him also in property all that he
could reconquer of the country in Denmark J, which
the summer before King Hakon had subjected to pay-
ment of scatt to him. So says Guttorm : —
" King Hakon, whose sharp sword dyes red
The bright steel cap on many a head.
Has set a warrior brave and stout
The foreign foeman to keep out, —
* Vendland and Vender mean the country and people along the
Baltic coast from Saxland and Holstein eastwards ; and seems to have
included Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and Prussia on the Baltic.
I Viken, the country north of the Gotha river, forming the great bight
of the coast of Norway.
J Scania, on the Swedish side of the Sound, was called Denmark, as
well as the islands and Jutland.
VOL. I. Y
322
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV.
To keep that green land safe from war
Which black Night bore to dwarf Onar.*
For many a carle whose trade's to wield
The battle-axe^ and swing the shield^
On the swan's ocean-scates"]' has come.
In white- winged ships, across the foam, —
Across the sea, from far Ireland,
To war against the Norseman's land."
Chapter King Harald Gormson ruled over Denmark at that
Of otn- time. He took it much amiss that King Hakon had
hiid's sons, made war in his dominions, and the report went that
he would take revenge ; but this did not take place so
soon. When Gunhild and her sons heard there was
enmity between Denmark and Norway, they began to
turn their course from the West. They married King
Eric's daughter, Ragnhild, to Arnfin, a son of Torfin
Hausakliffer ; and as soon as Eric's sons went away,
Thorfin took the earldom again over the Orkney
Islands. Gamle Ericson was somewhat older than
the other brothers, but still he was not a grown man.
When Gunhild and her sons came from the westward
to Denmark, they were well received by King Harald.
He gave them great fiefs in his kingdom, so that they
could maintain themselves and their men very well.
He also took Harald Ericson to be his foster-son, set
him on his knee J, and thereafter he was brought up
at the Danish king's court. Some of Eric's sons went
out on viking expeditions as soon as they were old
enough, and gathered property, ravaging all around
in the East sea. They grew up quickly to be hand-
some men, and far beyond their years in strength and
perfection. Glum Geirason tells of one of them in the
Graafeld song : —
* The dwarf Onar was the husband of Night, and Earth was their
daughter.
t Figurative expressions for ships.
j Setting the child on the knee of the foster-father appears to have
been the symbol of adoption.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 323
" Tve heard that, on the Eastland coast, saga iv.
Great victories were won and lost.
The king, whose hand is ever graced
With gift to scald, his banner placed
On, and still on ; while, midst the play
Of swords, sung sharp his good sword's sway.
As strong in arm as free of gold,
He thinn'd the ranks of warriors bold."
Then Eric's sons turned northwards with their
troops to Viken ; but King Try ggve kept troops on
foot with which he met them, and they had many a
battle, in which the victory was sometimes on one
side, and sometimes on the other. Sometimes Eric's
sons plundered in Viken, and sometimes Try ggve in
Sealand and Halland.
As long as Hakon was king in Norway, there was Chapter
good peace between the bonders and merchants ; so King Ha-
that none did harm either to the life or snoods of the ^^n's dis-
^ position
other. Good seasons also there were, both by sea and and go-
land. King Hakon was of a remarkably cheerful dis- ^^'^""^^''*-
position, clever in words, and very condescending.
He was a man of great understanding also, and be-
stowed attention on lawgiving. He gave out the
Gula Thing's laws on the advice of Thorlief the Wise ;
also the Froste Thing's laws on the advice of Earl
Sigurd, and of other Drontheim men of wisdom.
Eidsvold Thing laws were first established in the
country by Halfdan the Black, the father of Harald
Haarfager.*
King Hakon kept Yule at Drontheim, and Earl Chapter
Sigurd had made a feast for him at Lade. The night The birth
of the first day of Yule the earl's wife, Bererliot, was ?i?^^^.
<J ^ ^ 7 & 7 ^^ Hakon liie
brought to bed of a boy -child, which afterwards King Great.
Hakon poured water over, and gave him his own name.
The boy grew up, and became in his day a mighty
* Owing to the different means of subsistence in so vast an extent of
country, each of the five great Law Things appears to have had laws
suitable for its own locality; and the District Things, with their lagman,
to have administered these laws.
Y 2
324
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. and able man, and was earl after his father, who was
King Hakon's dearest friend.
Ey stein, a king of the Uplands, whom some called
Chapter
xiir.
the Bad.
ofEystein ^^^ Great, and some the Bad, once on a time made
war in Drontheim*, and subdued Eyna district and
Sparbo district, and set his own son Onund over them ;
but the Drontheim people killed him. Then King
Eystein made another inroad into Drontheim, and
ravaged the land far and wide, and subdued it. He
then offered the people either his slave, who was called
Thorer Faxe, or his dog, whose name was Sauer, to
be their king. They preferred the dog, as they thought
they would sooner get rid of him. Now the dog was,
by witchcraft, gifted with three men's msdom ; and
when he barked, he spoke one word and barked two.
A collar and chain of gold and silver were made for
him, and his courtiers carried him in their hands
when the weather or ways were foul. A throne was
erected for him, and he sat upon a high place, as kings
are used to sit. He dwelt in Inderoen, and had his
mansion in a place now called Saurshoug. It is told
that the occasion of his death was that the wolves one
day broke into his fold, and his courtiers stirred him
up to defend his cattle ; but when he ran down from
his mound, and attacked the wolves, they tore him to
pieces. Many other extraordinary things were done
by this King Eystein against the Drontheim people,
and in consequence of this persecution and trouble,
many chiefs and people fled and left their udal pro-
perties.
Ketil Jemte, a son of Earl Onund of Sparbo, went
eastward across the mountain ridge, and with him a
* Drontheim here, and in all the sagas, means not the present town
of Drontheim, which was not founded until Olaf Trygvesson's reign,
and is always called Nidaros, — that is, the mouth of the river Nid, —
and sometimes, as if contemptuously, the Kiopstad, the merchant
town ; but Drontheim means the whole district on each side of the
Drontheim fiord, which is 120 miles in length.
Chapter
XIV.
The colo-
nising of
KINGS OF NORWAY. 325
great multitude, who took all tlieir farm- stock and saga iv.
goods with them. They cleared the woods, and esta- Jemteiand
blished large farms, and settled the country afterwards sWi^V
called Jemteiand. Thorer Helsing, Ketil's grandson,
on account of a murder, ran away from Jemteiand,
and fled eastward through the forest, and settled
there. Many people followed ; and that country, which
extends eastward down to the sea- coast, was called
Helsin gland ; and its eastern parts are inhabited by
Swedes. Now when Harald Haarfager took possession
of the whole country many people fled before him,
both people of Drontheim and of Numedal districts ;
and thus new settlers came to Jemteiand, and some
all the way to Helsingland. The Helsingland people
travelled into Sweden for their merchandise, and thus
became altogether subjects of that country. The
Jemteiand people, again, were in a manner between
the two countries ; and nobody cared about them,
until Hakon entered into friendly intercourse with
Jemteiand, and made friends of the more powerful
people. Then they resorted to him, and promised
him obedience and payment of taxes, and became his
subjects; for they saw nothing but what was good in
him, and being of Norwegian race they would rather
stand under his royal authority than under the king
of Sweden : and he gave them laws, and rights to their
land. All the people of Helsingland did the same, —
that is, all who were of Norwegian race, from the other
side of the great mountain ridge.
King Hakon was a good Christian when he came to Chapter
Norway ; but as the whole country was heathen, with King lia-
much heathenish sacrifice, and as many great people, ^on up-
as well as the favour of the common people, were to spreads
be conciliated, he resolved to practise his Christian ty t^anltv
in private. But he kept Sundays, and the Friday
fasts, and some token of the greatest holydays. He
made a law that the festival of Yule should begin at
Y 3
326
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV.
Chapter
XVI.
About
sacrifices.
the same time as Christian people held it, and that
every man, under penalty, should brew a meal* of malt
into ale, and therewith keep the Yule holy as long as
it lasted. Before him, the beginning of Yule, or the
slaughter night f, was the night of mid- winter, and
Yule was kept for three days thereafter. It was
his intent, as soon as he had set himself fast in the
land, and had subjected the whole to his power, to
introduce Christianity. He went to work first by
enticing to Christianity the men who were dearest to
him ; and many, out of friendship to him, allowed
themselves to be baptized, and some laid aside sacri-
fices. He dwelt long in the Drontheim district, for
the strength of the country lay there ; and when he
thought that, by the support of some powerful people
there, he could set up Christianity, he sent a message
to England for a bishop and other teachers ; and when
they arrived in Norway, Hakon made it known that
he would proclaim Christianity over all the land. The
people of More and Raumsdal referred the matter to
the people of Drontheim. King Hakon then had
several churches consecrated, and put priests into
them ; and when he came to Drontheim he summoned
the bonders to a Thing, and invited them to accept
Christianity. They gave an answer to the efi*ect that
they would defer the matter until the Froste Thing,
at which there would be men from every district of
the Drontheim country, and then they would give
their determination upon this difiS.cult matter.
Sigurd, earl of Lade, was one of the greatest men
for sacrifices, and so had Hakon his father been ; and
Sigurd always presided on account of the king at all
* A maling, or meal, is a measure of grain still used in Orkney.
t Hoggn nott, or mid- winter night, at which the Yule of Odin wor-
shippers began, is supposed by Olavius to have taken its name from the
slaughtering, hogging, or hewing down cattle on that night for the
festival. Hogmaney night is still the name in Edinburgh for the first
night of Yule among the common people.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 327
the festivals of sacrifice in the Drontheim country, saga iv.
It was an old custom, that when there was to be sa-
crifice all the bonders should come to the spot where
the temple stood, and bring with them all that they
required while the festival of the sacrifice lasted. To
this festival all the men brought ale with them ; and
all kinds of cattle, as well as horses, were slaughtered,
and all the blood that came from them was called
laut^ and the vessels in which it was collected were
called laut-vessels. Laut-staves were made, like
sprinkling brushes, with which the whole of the
altars and the temple walls, both outside and inside,
were sprinkled over, and also the people were sprin-
kled with the blood ; but the flesh was boiled into sa-
voury meat for those present. The fire was in the
middle of the floor of the temple, and over it hung
the kettles, and the full goblets were handed across the
fire; and he who made the feast, and was a chief,
blessed the full goblets, and all the meat of the sa-
crifice. And first Odin's goblet was emptied for victory
and power to his king ; thereafter, Niord's and Freya's
goblets for peace and a good season. Then it was
the custom of many to empty the braga-goblet * ; and
then the guests emptied a goblet to the memory of
departed friends, called the remembrance-goblet.
Sigurd the earl was an open-handed man, who did
what was very much celebrated ; namely, he made a
great sacrifice festival at Lade, of which he paid all
the expenses. Kormak Ogmundson sings of it in his
ballad of Sigurd : —
" Of cup or platter need has none
The guest who seeks the generous one_, —
Sigurd the Generous, who can trace
His lineage from the giant race ;
For Sigurd's hand is bounteous, free, —
The guardian of the temples he.
* The braga-goblet, over which vows were made.
Y 4
328
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV.
He loves the gods, — his liberal hand
Scatters his sword's gains o'er the land."
^xvn'' King Hakon came to the Froste Thing, at which a
The Thing vast multitudc of people were assembled. And when
at roste. ^-^^ Thing was seated, the king spoke to the people,
and began his speech with saying, — it was his mes-
sage and entreaty to the bonders and householding
men, both great and small, and to the whole public
in general, young and old, rich and poor, women as
well as men, that they should all allow themselves to
be baptized, and should believe in one God, and in
Christ the son of Mary ; and refrain from all sacrifices
and heathen gods ; and should keep holy the seventh
day, and abstain from all work on it, and keep a fast
on the seventh day. As soon as the king had pro-
posed this to the bonders, great was the murmur and
noise among the crowd. They complained that the
king wanted to take their labour and their old faith
from them, and the land could not be cultivated in
that way. The labouring men and slaves thought
that they could not work if they did not get meat ;
and they said it Avas the character of King Hakon,
and his father, and all the family, to be generous
enough with their money, but sparing with their diet.
Asbiorn of Midalhouse in the Gaulardal stood up,
and answered thus to the king's proposal : —
" We bonders. King Hakon, when we elected thee
to be our king, and got back our udal rights at the
Thing held in Drontheim, thought we had got into
heaven ; but now we don't know whether we have
really got back our freedom, or whether thou wishest
to make vassals of us again by this extraordinary
proposal — that we should abandon the ancient faith
which our fathers and forefathers have held from the
oldest times, in the times when the dead were burnt,
as well as since that they are laid under mounds, and
which, although they were braver than the people of
KINGS OF NORWAY. 329
our days, has served us as a faith to the present time, saga iv.
We have also held thee so dear, that we have allowed
thee to rule and give law and right to all the country.
And even now we bonders will unanimously hold by
the law which thou givest us here in the Froste
Thing, and to which we have also given our assent*;
and we will follow thee, and have thee for our king, as
long as there is a living man among us bonders here
in this Thing assembled. But thou, king, must use
some moderation towards us, and only require from
us such things as we can obey thee in, and are not
impossible for us. If, however, thou wilt take up
this matter with a high hand, and wilt try thy power
and strength against us, we bonders have resolved
among ourselves to part with thee, and to take to our-
selves some other chief, who will so conduct himself
towards us that we can freely and safely enjoy that
faith that suits our own inclinations. Now, king,
thou must choose one or other of these conditions
before the Thing is ended."
The bonders gave loud applause to this speech,
and said it expressed their will, and they would
stand or fall by what had been spoken. When
silence was again restored, Earl Sigurd said, " It
is King Hakon's will to give way to you, the bon-
ders, and never to separate himself from your friend-
ship." The bonders replied, that it was their desire
that the king should offer a sacrifice for peace and
a good year, as his father was wont to do ; and there-
upon the noise and tumult ceased, and the Thing
was concluded. Earl Sigurd spoke to the king after-
wards, and advised him not to refuse altogether
to do as the people desired, saying there was nothing
else for it but to give way to the will of the bonders ;
" for it is, as thou hast heard thyself, the will and earnest
* Our yea. The assent of the people in old times to the laws and
the power of the Froste Thing, are as well defined as in our Parliament
in this speech.
330 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. desire of the liead-people, as well as of the multitude.
Hereafter we may find a good way to manage it.'' And
in this resolution the king and earl agreed.
Chapter j]^^ harvest thereafter, towards the \vinter season,
The pea- there was a festival of sacrifice at Lade, and the king
mnt Ha- came to it. It had always been his custom before,
^^'^•'fi ^^^^ when he was present at a place where there was sa-
crifice, to take his meals in a little house by himself,
or with some few of his men ; but the bonders grum-
bled that he did not seat himself on his throne at
these the most joyous of the meetings of the people.
The earl said that the king should do so this time. The
king accordingly sat upon his throne. Now when the
first full goblet was filled. Earl Sigurd spoke some
words over it, blessed it in Odin's name, and drank
to the king out of the horn ; and the king then took
it, and made the sign of the cross over it. Then said
Kaare of Gryting, " What does the king mean by
doing so ? Will he not sacrifice ? " Earl Sigurd
replies, " The king is doing what all of you do, who
trust to your power and strength. He is blessing the
full goblet in the name of Thor, by making the sign
of his hammer over it before he drinks it." On this
there was quietness for the evening. The next day,
when the people sat down to table, the bonders pressed
the king strongly to eat of horse-flesh*; and as he
would on no account do so, they wanted him to drink
of the soup ; and as he would not do this, they insisted
he should at least taste the gravy ; and on his refusal
they were going to lay hands on him. Earl Sigurd
* This eating of horse-flesh at these religious festivals was consi-
dered the most direct proof of paganism in the following times, and
was punished by death or mutilation by Saint Olaf. It was a ceremony
apparently commemorative of their Asiatic origin and ancestors. In Nor-
way,, or in Iceland, where horse-flesh also was eaten at these pagan festivals,
the horse is not an animal that could ever have been in common use
for food, as in the plains of Asia ; because it cannot, as in Asia, be
easily reared and subsisted. This is perhaps the strongest proof of the
truth of the saga tradition of Odin having come into Scandinavia from
the banks of the Don — the Tanais.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 331
came and made peace among them, by asking the saga i v.
king to hold his mouth over the handle of the kettle,
upon which the fat smoke of the boiled horse-flesh had
settled itself; and the king first laid a linen cloth over
the handle, and then gaped over it, and returned to
the throne ; but neither party was satisfied with this.
The winter thereafter the king prepared a Yule Chapter
feast in More, and eight chiefs resolved with each Feast of the
other to meet at it. Four of them were from without sacrifice at
the Drontheim district — namely, Kaare of Gryting,
Asbiorn of Midalhouse, Thorberg of Yarnses, and
Orm from Lyra ; and from the Drontheim district,
Blotolf of Olvishoug, Narfe of Staf in Yserdal,
Thrand Hake from Egge, and Thorer Skeg from Hu-
saboe in Inderoen. These eight men bound them-
selves, the four first to root out Christian ty in Nor-
way, and the four others to oblige the king to offer
sacrifice to the gods. The four first went in four
ships southwards to More, and killed three priests,
and burnt three churches, and then they returned.
Now, when King Hakon and Earl Sigurd came to
More with their court, the bonders assembled in
great numbers ; and immediately, on the first day of
the feast, the bonders insisted hard with the king
that he should offer sacrifice, and threatened him
with violence if he refused. Earl Sigurd tried to
make peace between them, and brought it so far that
the king took some bits of horse-liver, and emptied
all the goblets the bonders filled for him; but as
soon as the feast was over, the king and the earl re-
turned to Lade. The king was very ill pleased, and
made himself ready to leave Drontheim forthwith
with all his people; saying that the next time he
came to Drontheim, he would come with such strength
of men-at-arms that he would repay the bonders for
their enmity towards him. Earl Sigurd entreated the
king not to take it amiss of the bonders ; adding, that
Augvalds
ness.
332 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. it was not wise to threaten them, or to make war
upon the people within the country, and especially
in the Drontheim district where the strength of the
land lay ; but the king was so enraged that he would
not listen to a word from any body. He went out
from Drontheim, and proceeded south to More where
he remained the rest of the winter, and on to the
spring season ; and when summer came he assembled
men, and the report was that he intended with this
army to attack the Drontheim people.
Chapter j^^^ j^g^ ^^ ^]^g Mug had cmbarkcd with a great
Battle at forcc of troops, the news was brought him from the
south of the country, that King Eric's sons had
come from Denmark to Yiken, and had driven King
Tryggve Olafsson from his ships at Sotanaess, and
then had plundered far and wide around in Yiken,
and that many had submitted to them. Now when
King Hakon heard this news, he thought that help
was needed ; and he sent word to Earl Sigurd, and to
the other chiefs from whom he could expect help, to
hasten to his assistance. Sigurd the earl came ac-
cordingly with a great body of men, among whom
were all the Drontheim people who had set upon him
the hardest to offer sacrifice ; and all made their peace
with the king, by the earl's persuasion. Now King
Hakon sailed south along the coast ; and when he
came south as far as Stad, he heard that Eric's sons
were come to North Agder. Then they advanced
against each other, and met at Kormt. Both parties
left their ships there, and gave battle at Augvalds-
ness. Both parties had a great force, and it was a
great battle. King Hakon went forwards bravely,
and King Guttorm Ericson met him with his
troop, and they exchanged blows with each other.
Guttorm fell, and his standard was cut down. Many
people fell around him. The army of Eric's sons
then took flight to their ships, and rowed away
KINGS OF NORWAY. 333
with the loss of many a man. So says Guttorm saga iv.
Sindre : —
" The king's voice waked the silent host
Who slept beside the wild sea-coast,
And bade the song of spear and sword
Over the battle plain be heard.
Where heroes' shields the loudest rang.
Where loudest was the sword-blade's clang.
By the sea-shore at Kormt Sound,
Hakon felled Guttorm to the ground."
Now King Hakon returned to his ships, and pur-
sued Gunhild's sons.* And both parties sailed all
they could sail, until they came to Easter Agderf,
from whence Eric's sons set out to sea, and south-
wards for Jutland. Guttorm Sindre speaks of it in
his song: —
" And Guttorm's brothers too, who know
So skilfully to bend the bow.
The conquering hand must also feel
Of Hakon, god of the bright steel, —
The sun-god, whose bright rays, that dart
Flame-like, are swords that pierce the heart.
Well I remember how the King
Hakon, the battle's life and spring.
O'er the wide ocean cleared away
Eric's brave sons. They durst not stay.
But round their ships' sides hung their shields.
And fled across the blue sea-fields."
King Hakon returned then northwards to Norway,
but Eric's sons remained a long time in Denmark.
Kine: Hakon after this battle made a law, that all Chapter
XXI
inhabited land over the whole country along the sea- King Ha-
coast, and as far back from it as the salmon swims up ^^"'^ ^^^^
in the rivers, should be divided into ship-raths ac-
cording to the districts ; and it was fixed by law how
many ships there should be from each district, and
how great each should be, when the whole people
were called out on service. For this outfit the whole
* Eric's sons are often called Gunhild's sons, from their mother,
■j" Easter Agder appears to have been the district up to Christian-
sand ; and West or North Agder from thence to about Flikkefiord.
334 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. inhabitants should be bound, whenever a foreign
army came to the country. With this came also the
order that beacons should be erected upon the hills,
so that every man could see from the one to the
other ; and it is told that a war-signal could thus be
given in seven days, from the most southerly beacon
to the most northerly Thing-seat in Halogaland.
Chapter Eric's SOUS pluudcrcd much ou the Baltic coasts,
Co^^rnin^ aud somctlmcs, as before related, in Norway ; but so
Eric's sons, long as Hakou ruled over Norway there was in ge-
neral good peace, and good seasons, and he was the
most beloved of kings. When Hakon had reigned
about twenty years in Norway, Eric's sons came from
Denmark with a powerful army, of which a great
part consisted of the people who had followed them on
their expeditions ; but a still greater army of Danes
had been placed at their disposal by King Harald
Gormson. They sailed with a fair wind from Vinde-
syssel *, and came to Agder ; and then sailed north-
wards, night and day, along the coast. But the
beacons were not fired, because it had been usual to
look for them lighted from the east onwards, and
nobody had observed them from the east coast ; and
besides King Hakon had set heavy penalties for giving
false alarm, by lighting the beacons without occasion.
^ The reason of this was, that ships of Avar and vikings
cruised about and plundered among the outlying
islands, and the country people took them for Eric's
sons, and lighted the beacons, and set the whole
country in trouble and dread of war. Sometimes, no
doubt, the sons of Eric were there ; but having only
their own troop, and no Danish army with them,
they returned to Denmark ; and sometimes these were
only small vikings. King Hakon was very angry at
this, because it cost both trouble and money to no
* The end of Jutland, to the north of Lymfiord.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 335
purpose. The bonders also suffered by these false saga iv.
alarms when they were given uselessly ; and thus it
happened that no news of this expedition of Eric's
sons circulated through the land until they had
come as far north as Ulvesound, where they lay for
seven days. Then spies set oif across the upper neck
of land and northwards to More. King Hakon was
at that time in the island Frasde, in North More, at a
place called Birkestrand, where he had a dwelling-
house, and had no troops with him, only his body-
guard or court, and the neighbouring bonders he had
invited to his house.
The spies came to King Hakon, and told him that Chapter
Eric's sons, with a great army, lay just to the south q^ ^„-^i '
of Stad. Then he called together the most under- uiisa^rk.
standing of the men about him, and asked their
opinion, whether he should fight with Eric's sons,
although they had such a great multitude with them,
or should set off northwards to gather together more
men. Now there was a bonder there, by name Egil
Ullsa3rk, who was a very old man, but in former days
had been strong and stout beyond most men, and a
hardy man-at-arms withal, having long carried King
Harald's banner. Egil answered thus to the king's
speech, — " I was in several battles with thy father
Harald the king, and he gave battle sometimes with
many, sometimes with few people ; but he always
came off mth victory. Never did I hear him ask
counsel of his friends whether he should fly, — and
neither shalt thou get any such counsel from us,
king ; but as we know we have a brave leader, thou
shalt get a trusty following from us." Many others
agreed with this speech, and the king himself declared
he was most inclined to fight with such strength as
they could gather. It was so determined. The king
split up a war-arrow, which he sent off in all direc-
tions, and by that token a immber of men was col-
336
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV.
Chapter
XXIV.
Battle at
Freedar-
berg.
lected in all haste. Then said Egil Ullsaerk, — ''At
one time the peace had lasted so long I was afraid I
might come to die the death of old age *, within doors
upon a bed of straw, although I would rather fall in
battle following my chief. And now it may so turn
out in the end as I wished it to be.''
Eric's sons sailed northwards around Stad, as soon
as the wind suited ; and when they had passed it,
and heard where King Hakon was, they sailed to meet
him. King Hakon had nine ships, with which he
lay under Fraedarberg in Freyarsund ; and Eric's sons
had twenty ships, with which they brought up on the
south side of the same cape, in Freyar Sound. King
Hakon sent them a message, asking them to go upon
the land ; and telling them that he had hedged in with
hazel boughs a place of combat at Rastarkalf, where
there is a flat large field, at the foot of a long and
rather low ridge. Then Eric's sons left their ships,
and went northwards over the neck of land within
Frsedarberg, and onward to Rastarkalf. Then Egil
asked King Hakon to give him ten men with ten
banners, and the king did so. Then Egil went with
his men under the ridge ; but King Hakon went out
upon the open field with his army, and set up his
banner, and drew up his army, saying, " Let us draw
up in a long line, that they may not surround us, as
they have the most men." And so it was done ; and
there was a severe battle, and a very sharp attack.
Then Egil Ullsserk set up the ten banners he had with
him, and placed the men who carried them so that
they should go as near the summit of the ridge as
possible, and leaving a space between each of them.
They went so near the summit that the banners could
be seen over it, and moved on as if they were coming
behind the army of Eric's sons. Now when the men
* In all the sagas of this pagan time, the dying on a bed of sickness
is mentioned as a kind of derogatory end of a man of any celebrity.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 337
who stood uppermost in the Une of the troo]3S of saga iv.
Eric's sons saw so many flying banners advancing
high over the edge of the ridge, they supposed a great
force must be following, who would come behind their
army, and between them and their ships. They made
each other acquainted with what was going on in a
loud shout, and the whole took to flight ; and when
the kings saw it, they t^ed with the rest. King Hakon
now pushes on briskly with his people, pursuing the
flying, and killing many.
When Gamle Ericsson came up the rido;e of the Chavi^r
V V T7
hill he turned round, and he observed that not more of King
people were foUowine; than his men had been ene^as^ed Gamie, the
J- i- O o o son of Eric.
with already, and he saw it was but a stratagem of
war ; so he ordered the war-horns to be blown, his
banner to be set up, and he put his men in battle
order. On this, all his Northmen stood, and turned
with him, but the Danes fled to the ships ; and when
King Hakon and his men came thither, there was
again a sharp conflict ; but now Hakon had most
people. At last the Eric's sons' force fled, and took
the road south about the hill ; but a part of their army
retreated upon the hill southwards, followed by King
Hakon. There is a flat field east of the ridge which
runs westward along the range of hills, and is bounded
on its west side by a steep ridge. Gamle' s men re-
treated towards this ground; but Hakon followed so
closely that he killed some, and others ran west over
the ridge, and were killed on that side of it. King
Hakon did not part with them till the last man of
them Avas killed.
Gamle Ericsson fled from the ridge down upon Chaiter
the plain to the south of the hill. There he turned King
himself again, and waited until more people gathered Gamie and
to him. All his brothers, and many troops of their fail,
men, assembled there. Egil Ullsaerk was in front,
and in advance of Hakon's men, and made a stout
VOL. I. z
338
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. attack. He and King Gamle exchanged blows with
each other, and King Gamle got a grievous wound ;
but Egil fell, and many people with him. Then came
Hakon the king with the troops which had followed
him, and a new battle began. King Hakon pushed
on, cutting down men on both sides of him, and kill-
ing the one upon the top of the other. So sings
Guttorm Sindre : —
'' Scared by the sharp swords' singing sound.
Brandished in air, the foe gave ground.
The boldest warrior cannot stand
Before King Hakon' s conquering hand ;
And the king's banner ever flies
Where the spear-forests thickest rise.
Altho' the king had gained of old
Enough of Freya's tears of gold,*
He spared himself no more than tho'
He'd had no well-filled purse to show.""!"
When Eric's sons saw their men falling all round,
they turned and fled to their ships ; but those who
had sought the ships before had pushed ofi^ some of
them from the land, while some of them were still
hauled up and on the strand. Now the sons of Eric
and their men plunged into the sea, and betook them-
selves to swimming. Gamle Ericsson was drowned ;
but the other sons of Eric reached their ships, and set
sail with what men remained. They steered south-
wards to Denmark, where they stopped a while, very
ill satisfied with their expedition.
King Hakon took all the ships of the sons of Eric
that had been left upon the strand, and had them
drawn quite up, and brought on the land. Then he
Chapter
XXVIT.
Egil
Ulls^rk's
burial-
ground.
* Freya's husband was Odd; and her tears, when she wept at the
long absence of her husband, were tears of gold. Odd's wife's tears
is the scald's expression here for gold — understood, no doubt, as readily
as any allusion to Plutus would convey the equivalent meaning in
modern poetry.
■]• Wealth, the acquisition of wealth, appears then to have been the
stimulus to enterprise, as much as in our times; and wealth gained, and
liberally used, the great subject of the scalds' praises.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
339
ordered that Egil Ullsa3rk, and all the men of his saga iv.
army who had fallen, should be laid in the ships,
and covered entirely over with earth and stones.
King Hakon made many of the ships to be drawn up
to the field of battle, and the hillocks over them are
to be seen to the present day a little to the south
of Freydarberg. At the time when King Hakon was
killed, when Glum Geirason, in his song, boasted of
King Hakon's fall, Eyvind Skaldaspiller composed
these verses on this battle : —
" Our dauntless king with Gamle's gore
Sprinkled his bright sword o'er and o'er;
Sprinkled the gag that holds the mouth
Of the fell demon Fenri's wolf.*
Proud swelled our warriors' hearts when he
Drove Eric's sons out to the sea^
With all their Gotland host : but now
Our warriors weep — Hakon lies low !"
High standing stones f mark Egil Ullsgerk's grave.
When King Hakon, Athelstan's foster-son, had been Chapter
king for twenty-six years after his brother Eric had ^ews of
left the country, it happened that he was at a feast in war comes
the house of Fitiar at Stord, and he had with him at Hakon? '
the feast his court and many of the peasants. And
just as the king was seated at the supper-table, his
watchmen who were outside observed many ships
coming sailing along from the south, and not very far
from the island. Now, said the one to the other, they
should inform the king that they thought an armed
force was coming against them ; but none thought it
* The Wolf of Fenri^ one of the children of Lok begotten with a
giantess, was chained to a rock, and gagged by a sword placed in his
mouth, to prevent him devouring mankind. Fenri's wolf's-gag is a
scaldic expression for a sword.
•f The stones set on end in the ground, and 10 or 12 feet high or
more, are called standing stones in the Orkney Isles, and other places
held by the Scandinavians ; and the oblong tumuli found on the coast
have very probably been cast over small ships turned bottom up over
the bodies of the slain, as described in this chapter, and are called ship
mounds, to distinguish them from other mounds, by the Norwegian
antiquaries.
z 2
340 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. advisable to be the bearer of an alarm of war to the
king, as he had set heavy penalties on those who raised
such alarms falsely, yet they thought it unsuitable
that the king should remain in ignorance of what they
saw.* Then one of them went into the room and
asked Eyvind Finsson to come out as fast as possible,
for it was very needful. Eyvind immediately came
out, and went to Avhere he could see the ships, and
saw directly that a great army was on the way ; and
he returned in all haste into the room, and, placing
himself before the king, said, " Short is the hour for
acting, and long the hour for feasting." The king
cast his eyes upon him, and said, " What now is in the
way?" Eyvind said —
" Up, king ! the avengers are at hand !
Eric's bold sons approach the land !
The judgment of the sword they crave
Against their foe. Thy wrath I brave;
Tho' well 1 know 'tis no light thing
To bring war-tidings to the king.
And tell him 'tis no time to rest.
Up ! gird your armour to your breast :
Thy honour's dearer than my life ;
Therefore I say, up to the strife ! "
Then said the king, " Thou art too brave a fellow,
Eyvind, to bring us any false alarm of war." The
others all said it was a true report. The king ordered
the tables to be removed, and then he went out to
look at the ships ; and when it could be clearly seen
that these were shij)s of war, the king asked his men
what resolution they should take — whether to give
battle with the men they had, or go on board ship
and sail away northwards along the land. " For it is
* A curious instance of the discipline and deference for the king of
these Northmen, and which accounts for their success against the people
they invaded, and is also singularly in contrast with what follows — the
reference by the king to his men for approving his plan of giving battle,
and not retreating. This strict discipline and freedom united accounts
for the success of their predatory expeditions.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 341
easy to see," said he, " that we must now fight against saga iv.
a much greater force than we ever had against us
before ; although we thought just the same the last
time we fought against Gunhild's sons." No one was
in a hurry to give an answer to the king ; but at last
Eyvind replied to the king's speech : —
" Thou who in the battle-plain
Hast often poured the sharp spear-rain !
Ill it beseems our warriors brave
To fly upon the ocean wave :
To fly upon the blue wave north.
When Harald from the south comes forth.
With many a ship riding in pride
Upon the foaming ocean-tide ;
With many a ship and southern viking, —
Let us take shield in hand, brave king ! "
The king replied, " Thy counsel, Eyvind, is manly,
and after my own heart ; but I will hear the opinion
of others upon this matter." Now as the king's men
thought they discerned what way the king was in-
clined to take, they answered that they would rather
fall bravely and like men, than fly before the Danes ;
adding, that they had often gained the victory against
greater odds of numbers. The king thanked them
for their resolution, and bade them arm themselves ;
and all the men did so. The king put on his armour,
and girded on his sword Quernbiter, and put a gilt
helmet upon his head, and took a spear in his hand,
and a shield by his side. He then drew up his court-
men and the bonders in one body, and set up his
banner.
After Gamle's death King Harald, Eric's son, was Chapter
the chief of the brothers, and he had a great army xhe arma-
with him from Denmark. In their army were also ^^]'\ °^
their mother's brothers, — Eyvind Skreya, and Alf
Askmand, both strong and able men, and great man-
slayers. The sons of Eric brought up with their
ships off the island, and it is said that their force was
z 3
342 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. not less than six to one, — so much stronger in men
were Eric's sons.
Chapter When King HakoH had drawn up his men, it is told
King Ha- ^f him that he threw off his armour before the battle
kon's battle ■J3e2:an. So siufi^s Evvind Skaldaspiller ; —
array. ^ o j x.
" They found Biorne's brother* bold
Under his banner as of old.
Ready for battle. Foes advance, —
The front rank raise the shining lance;
And now begins the bloody fray !
Now! now begins Hildur's wild play.'t
Our noble king, whose name strikes fear
Into each Danish heart, — whose spear
Has single-handed spilt the blood
Of many a Danish noble, — stood
Beneath his helmet's eagle wing \
Amidst his guards; but the brave king
Scorned to wear armour, while his men
Bared naked breasts against the rain
Of spear and arrow. Off he flung
His coat of mail, his breast-plate rung
Against the stones ; and, blithe and gay.
He rushed into the thickest fray.
With golden helm, and naked breast,
Brave Hakon played at slaughter's feast."
King Hakon selected willingly such men for his
guard or court-men as were distinguished for their
strength and bravery, as his father King Harald also
used to do ; and among these was Thoralf Skolinson
the Strong, who went on one side of the king. He had
helmet and shield, spear and sword ; and his sword
was called by the name of Footbreadth. It was said
that Thoralf and King Hakon were equal in strength.
Thord Siarekson speaks of it in the poem he composed
concerning Thoralf: —
*' The king's men went with merry words
To the sharp clash of shields and swords.
When these wild rovers of the sea
At Fitiar fought. Stout Thoralf he
* King Hakon. f Hildur's play was battle.
\ The helm was adorned with eagle's feathers, or with the figure of
an eagle.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 343
Next to the Northmen's hero came, saga iv.
Scattering wide round the battle flame
For in the storm of shields not one
Ventured like him with brave Hakon."
When both lines met there was a hard combat, and
much bloodshed. The combatants threw their spears,
and then drew their swords. Then King Hakon, and
Thoralf with him, went in advance of the banner,
cutting down on both sides of them. So says Ey vind
Skaldaspiller : —
" The body-coats of linked steel.
The woven iron coats of mail.
Like water fly before the swing
Of Hakon's sword — the champion-king.
About each Gotland war-man's head
Helm splits, like ice beneath the tread,
Cloven by the axe or sharp sword-blade.
The brave king, foremost in the fight.
Dyes crimson-red the spotless white
Of his bright shield with foemen's gore, —
Amidst the battle wild uproar,
Wild pealing round from shore to shore."
King Hakon was very conspicuous among other Chapter
men, and also when the sun shone his helmet glanced. The faii of
and thereby many weapons were directed at him. §^7^"^
Then Ey vind Finnson took a hat and put it over the and of Aif
king's helmet. Now Eyvind Skreya called out, " Does
the king of the Norsemen hide himself, or has he fled ?
Where is now the golden helmet ? " Then Eyvind, and
his brother Alf with him, pushed on like fools or mad-
men. The king said, " Come on as ye are coming,
and ye will find the king of the Norsemen." So says
Eyvind Skaldaspiller : —
^' The raiser of the storm of shields,
The conqueror in battle fields, —
Hakon the brave, the warrior's friend.
Who scatters gold with liberal hand.
Heard Skreya's taunt, and saw him rush
Amidst the sharp spears' thickest push.
And loudly shouted in reply —
' If thou wilt for the victory try.
The Norseman's king thou soon shalt find !
Hold onwards, friend ! Hast thou a mind } ' '*
z 4
344 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV.
It was also but a short space of time before Eyvind
did come up swinging his sword, and made a cut at
the king ; but Thoralf thrust his shield so hard against
Eyvind that he tottered with the shock. Now the
king takes his sword Quernbiter with both hands, and
hcAved Eyvind through helm and head, and clove him
down to the shoulders. Thoralf also slew Alf Ask-
mand. So says Eyvind Skaldaspiller : —
" With both his hands the gallant king
Swung round his sword, and to the chin
Clove Eyvind down : his faithless mail
Against it could no more avail,
Than the thin plank against the shock
When the ship's side beats on the rock.
By his bright sword with golden haft
Thro' helm, and head, and hair, was cleft
The Danish champion ; and amain,
With terror smitten, fled his men."
After this fall of the two brothers. King Hakon
pressed on so hard that all men gave way before his
assault. Now fear came over the army of Eric's sons,
and the men began to fly ; and King Hakon, who was
at the head of his men, pressed on the flying, and
hewed down oft and hard. Then flew an arrow, one
of the kind called flein, into Hakon' s arm, into the
muscles below the shoulder ; and it is said by many
people that Gunhild's shoe-boy, whose name was
Kisping, ran out and forwards amidst the confusion
of arms, and called out " Make room for the king-
killer." Others again say that nobody could tell who
shot the king, which is indeed the most likely ; for
spears, arrows, and all kinds of missiles flew as thick
as a snow-drift. Many of the people of Eric's sons
were killed, both on the field of battle and on the way
to the ships, and also on the strand, and many threw
themselves into the water. Many also, among whom
were Eric's sons, got on board their ships, and rowed
away as fast as they could, and Hakon' s men after
them. So says Thord Siarekson : —
death.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 345
" The wolf^ the murderer, and the thief, saga iv.
Fled from before the people's chief :
Few breakers of the peace grew old
Under the Northmen's king so bold.
When gallant Hakon lost his life
Black was the day, and dire the strife.
It was bad work for Gunhild's sons,
Leading their pack of hungry Danes
From out the south, to have to fly,
And many a bonder leave to die.
Leaning his heavy wounded head
On the oar-bench for feather-bed, i
Thoralf was nearest to the side
Of gallant Hakon in the tide
Of battle ; his the sword that best
Carved out the raven's bloody feast:
Amidst the heaps of foemen slain,
He was named bravest on the plain.'*
When Kino^ Hakon came out to his ship he had his Chapter
x ^ XXXTI.
wound bound up ; but the blood ran from it so much Hakon's
and so constantly, that it could not be stopped ; and
when the day was drawing to an end his strength
began to leave him. Then he told his men that he
wanted to go northwards to his house at Alrekstad * ;
but when he came north, as far as Hakon's Hillf,
they put in towards the land, for by this time the
king was almost lifeless. Then he called his friends
around him, and told them what he wished to be
done with regard to his kingdom. He had only one
child, a daughter, called Thora, and had no son.
Now he told them to send a message to Eric's sons,
that they should be kings over the country ; but
asked them to hold his friends in respect and honour.
^' And if fate," added he, " should prolong my life, I
will, at any rate, leave the country, and go to a
Christian land, and do penance for what I have done
against God; but should I die in heathen land,
give me any burial you think fit." Shortly after-
* Alrekstad is now called Aarstad, in the neighbourhood of Bergen,
•j" Hakon's Hill is now called Hoakhella, — the hill or hella on the
mainland south of Alviste, in Asko parish.
346 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. wards Hakon expired, at the little hill on the shore-
side at which he was born. So great was the sorrow
over Hakon's death, that he was lamented both by
friends and enemies; and they said that never again
would Norway see such a king. His friends removed
his body to Seaheim *, in North Hordaland, and made
a great mound, in which they laid the king in full
armour and in his best clothes, but with no other
goods. They spoke over his grave, as heathen people
are used to do, and wished him in Valhalla. Eyvind
Skaldaspiller composed a poem on the death of King
Hakon, and on how well he was received in Valhalla.
The poem is called " Hakonarmal;" —
'' In Odin's hall an empty place
Stands for a king of Yngve's race ;
' Go, my valkyriars,' Odin said,
* Go forth, my angels of the dead,
Gondul and Skogul, to the plain
Drenched with the battle's bloody rain.
And to the dying Hakon tell,
Here in Valhalla he shall dwell.'
" At Stord, so late a lonely shore.
Was heard the battle's wild uproar;
The lightning of the flashing sword
Burned fiercely at the shore of Stord.
From levelled halberd and spear-head
Life-blood was dropping fast and red;
And the keen arrows' biting sleet
Upon the shore at Stord fast beat.
^' Upon the thundering cloud of shield
Flashed bright the sword-storm o'er the field;
And on the plate-mail rattled loud
The arrow- shower's rushing cloud.
In Odin's tempest-weather, there
Swift whistling through the angry air;
And the spear-torrent swept away
Ranks of brave men from light of day.
" With batter'd shield, and blood-smear'd sword,
Sits one beside the shore at Stord,
* At Sseheimr, now Sem, in a parish north of Bergen, the mound
is still remaining, and called Hakon's. This battle at Stord and
Hakon's death took place in 963, according to Schoning.
KINGS OF NOEWAY. 347
With armour crushed and gashed sits he_, saga IV.
A grim and ghastly sight to see ;
And round about in sorrow stand
The warriors of his gallant band :
Because the king of Doglin's race
Tn Odin's hall must fill a place.
" Then up spake Gondul, standing near.
Resting upon his long ash spear, —
^ Hakon ! the gods' cause prospers well.
And thou in Odin's halls shalt dwell ! '
The king beside the shore of Stord
The speech of the valkyriar heard,
Who sat there on his coal-black steed.
With shield on arm and helm on head.
" Thoughtful, said Hakon, ' Tell me why.
Ruler of battles, victory
Is so dealt out on Stord's red plain ?
Have we not well deserved to gain ? '
' And is it not as well dealt out ? '
Said Gondul. ' Hearest thou not the shout ?
The field is cleared — the foemen run —
The day is ours — the battle won !'
" Then Skogul said, ' My coal-black steed,
Home to the gods I now must speed.
To their green home, to tell the tiding
That Hakon's self is thither riding.'
To Hermod and to Braga then
Said Odin, * Here, the first of men.
Brave Hakon comes, the Norsemen's king, —
Go forth, my welcome to him bring.'
^^ Fresh from the battle-field came in.
Dripping with blood, the Norsemen's king.
' Methinks,' said he, ' great Odin's will
Is harsh, and bodes me further ill :
Thy son from off the field to-day
From victory to snatch away ! '
But Odin said, ^ Be thine the joy
Valhalla gives, my own brave boy !'
" And Braga said, ' Eight brothers here
Welcome thee to Valhalla's cheer.
To drain the cup, or fights repeat
Where Hakon Eric's earls beat.'
Quoth the stout king, ' And shall my gear.
Helm, sword, and mail-coat, axe and spear.
Be still at hand ? 'Tis good to hold
Fast by our trusty friends of old.'
348 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA IV. '^ Well was it seen that Hakon still
Had saved the temples from all iU ; *
For the whole council of the gods
Welcomed the king to their abodes.
Happy the day when men are born
Like Hakon, who all base things scorn_, •
Win from the brave an honoured name,
And die amidst an endless fame.
'^ Sooner shall Fenri's wolf "j* devour
The race of man from shore to shore^
Than such a grace to kingly crown
As gallant Hakon want renown.
Life, land, friends, riches, all will fly.
And we in slavery shall sigh. J
But Hakon in the blessed abodes
For ever lives with the bright gods."
* Hakon, although a Christian, appears to have favoured the old
religion, and spared the temples of Odin ; and therefore a place in Val-
halla is assigned him.
•j" The wolf of Fenri is kept in chains and gagged with a sword
until the end of the world, when he is to devour mankind.
J This is supposed to allude to the successor of Hakon, one of Eric's
sons, whose government was tyrannical and disliked.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 349
SAGA V.
Y.
SAGA OF KING HARALD GREYSKIN, AND OF EARL
HAKON SON OF SIGURD.*
When King Hakon was killed, the sons of Eric took Chapter
the sovereignty of Norway. Harald, who was the Beginning
oldest of the livin o^ brothers, was over them in dis^- °^ *^^ so-
nity. Their mother Gunhild, who was called the of the sons
King-mother, mixed herself much in the affairs of the an^Ibout
country. There were many chiefs in the land at that Eyvind
•/ •/ ^ Skalda-
time. There was Try ggve Olafsson in the Eastland, spiiier.
Gudrod Biornson in the Westfold, Sigurd earl of Lade
in the Drontheim land ; but Gunhild's sons held the
middle of the country the first winter. There went
messages and ambassadors between Gunhild's sons
and Tryggve and Gudrod, and all was settled upon
the footing that they should hold from Gunhild's sons
the same part of the country which they formerly had
held under King Hakon. A man called Glum Geirason,
who was King Harald' s scald, and was a very brave
man, made this song upon King Hakon's death : —
" Gamle is avenged by Harald !
Great is thy deed, thou champion bold !
The rumour of it came to me
In distant lands beyond the sea^
How Harald gave King Hakon's blood
To Odin's ravens for their food."
This song was much favoured. When Eyvind
Finn son heard of it he composed the song which
was given before f, viz. : —
" Our dauntless king with Gamle's gore
Sprinkled his bright sword o'er and o'er/' &c.
This song also was much favoured, and was spread
* Harald Graafeld or Greyskin reigned from about the year 963
to about the year 977 ; and Earl Hakon from about 978 to 996.
t Chapter 27- of the Saga of Hakon Athelstan's foster-son.
350 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA V. widely abroad ; and when King Harald came to hear
of it, he laid a charge against Eyvind affecting his
life; but friends made up the quarrel, on the condi-
tion that Eyvind should in future be Harald' s scald,
as he had formerly been King Hakon's. There was
also some relationship between them, as Gunhild,
Eyvind' s mother, was a daughter of Earl Halfdan, and
her mother was a daughter of Harald Haarfager.
Thereafter Eyvind made a song about King Harald: —
" Guardian of Norway, well we know
Thy heart failed not when from the bow
The piercing arrow-hail sharp rang
On shield and breast-plate^ and the clang
Of sword resounded in the press
Of battle, like the splitting ice ;
For Harald, wild wolf of the wood,
Must drink his fill of foemen's blood."
Gunhild' s sons resided mostly in the middle of the
country, for they did not think it safe for them to
dwell among the people of Drontheim or of Yiken,
where King Hakon's best friends lived ; and also in
both places there were many powerful men. Pro-
posals of agreement then passed between Gunhild' s
sons and Earl Sigurd, for they got no scatt from the
Drontheim country ; and at last an agreement was
concluded between the kings and the earl, and con-
firmed by oath. Earl Sigurd was to get the same
power in the Drontheim land which he had possessed
under King Hakon, and on that they considered
themselves at peace. All Gunhild' s sons had the
character of being penurious ; and it was said they
hid their money in the ground. Eyvind Skaldaspiller
made a song about this : —
'' Main-mast of battle ! Harald bold !
In Hakon's days the scald wore gold
Upon his falcon's seat*; he wore
Rolf Krake's seedl, the yellow ore,
* One of the Edda figures of speech for the hand.
■j* Rolf Krake scattered gold on his flight over the Fyrisvolde, to
divert the pursuit of Adils' men. The meaning is, the scalds had gold
rings on their fingers in Hakon's days.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
351
Sown by him as he fled away.
The avenger Adils' speed to stay.
The gold crop grows upon the plain ;
But Frode's girls so gay* in vain
Grind out the golden meal, while those
Who rule o'er Norway's realm like foes,
In mother earth's old bosom hide
The wealth which Hakon far and wide
Scattered with generous hand : the sun
Shone in the days of that great one.
On the gold band of Fulla's brow "j".
On gold-ringed hands that bend the bow.
On the scald's hand; but of the ray
Of bright gold, glancing like the spray
Of sun-lit waves, no scald now sings —
Buried are golden chains and rings."
Now when King Harald heard this song, he sent a
message to Eyvind to come to him, and Avhen Eyvind
came made a charge against him of being unfaithful.
'' And it ill becomes thee," said the king, " to be
my enemy, as thou hast entered into my service."
Eyvind then made these verses : —
'' One lord I had before thee, Harald !
One dear- loved lord ! Now am I old.
And do not wish to change again. —
To that loved lord, through strife and pain.
Faithful I stood; still true to Hakon, —
To my good king, and him alone.
But now I'm old and useless grown.
My hands are empty, wealth is flown ;
I am but fit for a short space
In thy court-hall to fill a place."
But King Harald forced Eyvind to submit himself to
his clemency. Eyvind had a great gold ring, which
was called Molde, that had been dug up out of the
earth long since. This ring the king said he must
have as the mulct for the offence; and there was no
help for it. Then Eyvind sang : —
* Menia and Fenia were strong girls of the giant race, whom Frode
bought in Sweden to grind gold and good luck to him ; and their meal
means gold.
"j" FuUa was one of Odin's followers, who wore a gold band on the
forehead ; and the figure means gold, — that the sun shone on gold
rings on the hands of the scalds in Hakon's days.
SAGA V,
852
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA V.
Chapter
II.
Of the
Chris-
tianity of
Gunhild's
sons.
" I go across the ocean-foam,
Swift skating to my Iceland home
Upon the ocean-skates^', fast driven
By gales by Thurse's witch-wife given.
For from the falcon- bearing hand
Harald has plucked the gold snake-band
My father wore — by lawless might
Has taken what is mine by right."
Eyvind went home ; but it is not told that he ever
came near the kinci: ao^ain.
Gunhild's sons embraced Christianity in England,
as told before ; but when they came to rule over Nor-
way they made no progress in spreading Christianity,
— only they pulled down the temples of the idols, and
cast away the sacrifices where they had it in their
power, and raised great animosity by doing so. The
good crops of the country were soon wasted in their
days, because there were many kings, and each had
his court about him. They had therefore great ex-
penses, and were very greedy. Besides, they only
observed those laws of King Hakon which suited
themselves. They were, however, all of them re-
markably handsome men — stout, strong, and expert
in all exercises. So says Glum Geirason, in the verses
he composed about Harald, Gunhild's son : —
"■ The foeman's terror, Harald bold.
Had gained enough of yellow gold ;
Had Heimdal's teeth "j* enough in store.
And understood twelve aits or more."
The brothers sometimes went out on expeditions
together, and sometimes each on his own account.
They were fierce, but brave and active; and great
warriors, and very successful.
* Ocean's skates, — an expression for ships.
+ Heimdal was one of the gods, whose horse was called Gold Head ;
and the horse's teeth were of gold. Heimdal's teeth is a figurative ex-
pression of the scald for gold. In the translation these figurative expres-
sions are retained when they can be explained briefly, as they show the
nature of the poetic language of the original.
KINGS OF NORV/AY. 353
Gunhild the King-mother, and her sons, often met, saga v.
and talked together upon the government of the coun- chapter
try. Once Gunhild asked her sons what they in- ^.^^^•
tended to do with their kin2:dom of Drontheim. councils
bin
" Ye have the title of king, as your forefathers had cVuhiki
before you ; but you have little land or people, and and her
there are many to divide with. In the East, at
Viken, there are Tryggve and Gudrod ; and they have
no right, from relationship, to their governments.
There is besides Earl Sigurd ruling over the whole
Drontheim country ; and no reason can I see why ye
let so large a kingdom be ruled by an earl, and not
by yourselves. It appears wonderful to me that ye
go every summer upon viking cruises against other
lands, and allow an earl within the country to take
your father's heritage from you. Your grandfather,
whose name you bear. King Harald, thought it but a
small matter to take an earl's life and land when he
subdued all Norway, and held it under him to old
age."
Harald rephed, '' It is not so easy, mother, to cut
oiF Earl Sigurd as to slay a kid or a calf. Earl
Sigurd is of high birth, powerful in relations, popu-
lar, and prudent ; and I think if the Drontheim people
knew for certain there was enmity between us, they
would all take his side, and we could expect only evil
from them. I don't think it would be safe for any of
us brothers to fall into the hands of the Drontheim
people."
Then said Gunhild, " We shall go to work another
way, and not put ourselves forward. Harald and
Erling shall come in harvest to Nordmor, and there
I shall meet you, and we shall consult together what
is to be done."
Earl Sio:urd had a brother called Griote^aard, who Chapter
. -. IV
was much younger, and much less respected ; in fact. The plans
was held in no esteem. He had many people, how- ^^ ^""■
VOL. I. A A
354 CHRONICLE OF THE
sAGA^v. ever, about him, and in summer went on viking
hiid's sons cruises, and gathered to himself property. Now King
gaard. ' Harald sent messengers to Drontheim with offers of
friendship, and with presents. The messengers de-
clared that King Harald was wilhng to be on the
same friendly terms with the earl that King Hakon
had been : adding, that they wished the earl to come
to King Harald, that their friendship might be put on
a firm footing. The Earl Sigurd received well the
king's messengers and friendly message, but said
that on account of his many affairs he could not come
to the king. He sent many friendly gifts, and many
glad and grateful words to the king, in return for his
friendship. With this reply the messengers set off,
and went to Griotgaard, for whom they had the same
message, and brought him good presents, and offered
him King Harald' s friendship, and invited him to visit
the king. Griotgaard promised to come ; and at the
appointed time he paid a visit to King Harald and
Gunhild, and was received in the most friendly man-
ner. They treated him on the most intimate footing,
so that Griotgaard had access to their private con-
sultations and secret councils. At last the conver-
sation, by an understanding between the king and
queen, was turned upon Earl Sigurd; and they
spoke to Griotgaard about the earl having kept him
so long in obscurity, and asked him if he would not
join the king's brothers in an attack on the earl. If he
would join with them, the king promised Griotgaard
that he should be his earl, and have the same govern-
ment that Sigurd had. It came so far that a secret
agreement was made between them, that Griotgaard
should spy out the most favourable opportunity of
attacking by surprise Earl Sigurd, and should give
King Harald notice of it. After this agreement Griot-
gaard returned home with many good presents from
the king.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 355
Earl Sigurd went in harvest into Stordal to guest- saga^v.
quarters, and from thence went to Oglo to a feast. Chapter
The earl usually had many people about him, for he E^ri si-
did not trust the kins: ; but now, after friendly mes- s"^^ ^umt
sages had passed between the king and him, he had in stordai.
no great following of people with him. Then Griot-
gaard sent word to the king that he could never ex-
pect a better opportunity to fall upon Earl Sigurd ;
and immediately, that very evening, Harald and
Erhng sailed into Drontheim fiord with several ships
and many people. They sailed all night by star-light,
and Griotgaard came out to meet them. Late in the
night they came to Oglo *, where Earl Sigurd was at the
feast, and set fire to the house ; and burnt the house,
the earl, and all his men. As soon as it was day-
light they set out through the fiord, and south to
More, where they remained a long time.
Hakon, the son of Earl Sigurd, was up in the in- Chapter
terior of the Drontheim country when he heard this Beginning
news. Great was the tumult through all the Dron- ^[story of
theim land, and every vessel that could swim was put ^ari Ha-
into the water ; and as soon as the people were ga- gurd's son.
thered together they took Earl Sigurd's son Hakon to
be their earl and the leader of the troops, and the
Avhole body steered out of Drontheim fiord. When
Gunhild's sons heard of this, they set off southwards
to Kaumsdal and South More ; and both parties kept
eye on each other by their spies. Earl Sigurd was
killed two years after the fall of King Hakon. So
says Eyvind Skaldaspiller in the " Haleygia-tal:'' —
" At Oglo_, as I've heard^ Earl Sigurd
Was burnt to death by Norway's lord, —
Sigurd_, who once on Hadding's grave
A feast to Odin's ravens gave.
* The site of Oglo is not well ascertained by the Norwegian anti-
quaries. It is supposed to be in Skatvold^ near Stordal.
AA 2
356 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA V. In Oglo's hall, amidst the feast.
When bowls went round and ale flow'd fast.
He perished : Harald lit the fire
Which burnt to death the son of Tyr."
Earl Hakon, with the help of his friends, main-
tained himself in the Drontheim country for three
years ; and during that time Gunhild's sons got no
revenues from it. Hakon had many a battle with
Gunhild's sons, and many a man lost his life on both
sides. Of this Einar Skalaglam speaks in his lay,
called " Yelleklo," which he composed about Earl
Hakon : —
'^ The sharp bow- shooter on the sea
Spread wide his fleet, for well loved he
The battle storm ; well loved the earl
His battle-banner to unfurl.
O'er the well-trampled battle-field
He raised the red moon of his shield ;
And often dared King Eric's son
To try the fray with the Earl Hakon."
And he also says : —
" Who is the man who'll dare to say
That Sigurd's son avoids the fray?
He gluts the raven — he ne'er fears
The arrow's song or flight of spears.
With thundering sword he storms in war.
As Odin dreadful ; or from far
He makes the arrow-shower fly
To swell the sail of victory.
The victory was dearly bought,
And many a viking-fight was fought
Before the swinger of the sword
Was of the eastern country lord."
And Einar tells also how Earl Hakon avenged his
father's murder : —
^' I praise the man, my hero he.
Who in his good ship roves the sea.
Like bird of prey, intent to win
Red vengeance for his slaughtered kin.
From his blue sword the iron rain
That freezes life poured down amain
On him who took his father's life,
On him and his men in the strife.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
357
To Odin many a soul was driven, — saga v.
To Odin many a rich gift given.
Loud raged the storm on battle- field —
Axe rang on helm, and sword on shield."
The friends on both sides at last laid themselves
between, and brought proposals of peace ; for the
bonders suffered by this strife and war in the land.
At last it was brought to this, by the advice of pru-
dent men, that Earl Hakon should have the same
power in the Drontheim land which his father Earl
Sigurd had enjoyed ; and the kings, on the other hand,
should have the same dominion as King Hakon had :
and this agreement was settled with the fullest pro-
mises of fidelity to it. Afterwards a great friendship
arose between Earl Hakon and Gunhild, although
they sometimes attempted to deceive each other. And
thus matters stood for three years longer, in which
time Earl Hakon sat quietly in his dominions.
King Harald had generally his seat in Hordaland Chapter
and Rogaland, and also his brothers ; but very often, of Haraia
also, they went to Hardanger. One summer it hap- Greyskin.
pened that a vessel came from Iceland belonging to
Icelanders, and loaded with skins and peltry. They
sailed to Hardanger, where they heard the greatest
number of people were assembled ; but when the folks
came to deal with them, nobody would buy their
skins. Then the steersman went to King Harald,
whom he had been acquainted with before, and com-
plained of his ill luck. The king promised to visit
him, and did so. King Harald was very condescend-
ing, and full of fun. He came with a fully manned
boat, looked at the skins, and then said to the steers-
man, " Wilt thou give me a present of one of these
wolf-skins ? " * " Willingly," said the steersman, '' if it
were ever so many." On this the king wrapped him-
* It is not clear that the '^grey skins" of this story were wolves'
skins. It is likely they were fox or seal skins. The wolf is not
found in Iceland.
A A 3
358
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA V.
Chapter
VIII.
Earl Eric's
birth.
Chapter
IX.
King
Tryggve
Olafsson's
murder.
self up in a wolf-skin, and went back to his boat ;
but before tbey rowed away from the ship, every man
in his suite bought such another wolf- skin as the king
wore for himself. In a few days so many people
came to buy skins, that not half of them could be
served with what they wanted ; and thereafter the
king was called Harald Grey skin.
Earl Hakon came one winter to the Uplands to a
feast, and it so happened that he had intercourse with
a girl of mean birth. Some time after the girl had
to prepare for her confinement ; and she bore a child,
a boy, who had water poured on him, and was named
Eric. The mother carried the boy to Earl Hakon,
and said that he was the father. The earl placed
him to be brought up with a man called Thorleif the
Wise, who dwelt in Midaldal, and was a rich and
powerful man, and a great friend of the earl. Eric
gave hopes very early that he would become an able
man, was handsome in countenance, and stout and
strong for a child ; but the earl did not pay much
attention to him. The earl himself was one of the
handsomest men in countenance, — not tall, but very
strong, and well practised in all kinds of exercises;
and withal prudent, of good understanding, and a
deadly man at arms.
It happened one harvest that Earl Hakon, on a
journey in the Uplands, came to Hedemark ; and King
Tryggve Olafsson and King Gudrod Biorneson met
him there, and Dale-Gudbrand also came to the meet-
ing. They had agreed to meet, and they talked to-
gether long by themselves ; but so much only was
known of their business, that they were to be friends
of each other. They parted, and each went home to
his own kingdom. Gunhild and her sons came to
hear of this meeting, and they suspected it must have
been to lay a treasonable plot against the kings ; and
they often talked of this among themselves. When
KINGS OF NORWAY. 359
spring began to set in, King Harald and his brother saga v.
King Gudrod proclaimed that they were to make a
viking cruise, as usual, either in the West sea, or the
Baltic. The people accordingly assembled, launched
the ships into the sea, and made themselves ready to
sail. When they were drinking the farewell ale, — and
they drank bravely, — much and many things Avere
talked over at the drink-table, and, among other
things, were comparisons between different men,
and at last between the kings themselves. One
said that King Harald excelled his brothers by far,
and in every way. On this King Gudrod was very
angry, and said that he was in no respect behind
Harald, and was ready to prove it. Instantly both
parties were so inflamed that they challenged each
other to battle, and ran to their arms. But some of
the guests who were less drunk, and had more under-
standing, came between them, and quieted them ; and
each went to his ship, but nobody expected that they
would all sail together. Gudrod sailed eastward along
the land, and Harald went out to sea, saying he would
go to the westward ; but when he came outside of
the islands he steered east along the coast, outside of
the rocks and isles. Gudrod, again, sailed inside,
through the usual channel, to Yiken, and eastwards
to Folden. He then sent a message to King Tryggve
to meet him, that they might make a cruise together
in summer in the Baltic to plunder. Tryggve ac-
cepted willingly, and as a friend, the invitation ; and
as he heard King Gudrod had but few people with
him, he came to meet him with a single boat. They
met at Yegger, to the east of Sotaness ; but just as
they were come to the meeting place, Gudrod's men
ran up and killed King Tryggve and twelve men.
He lies buried at a place called Tryggve' s Cairn.
King Harald sailed far outside of the rocks and x.
isles ; but set his course to Viken, and came in the ^Js^f^"'^'
A A 4
360
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA V. night time to Tunsberg, and heard that Gudrod
Biorneson was at a feast a little way up the country.
Then King Harald set out immediately with his fol-
lowers, came in the night, and surrounded the house.
King Gudrod Biorneson went out with his people ;
but after a short resistance he fell, and many men
with him. Then King Harald joined his brother
King Gudrod, and they subdued all Yiken.
CHArTER King Gudrod Biorneson had made a good and
Of Harald suitablc marriage, and had by his wife a son called
Graenske. jjarald, who had been sent to be fostered to Green-
land to a lenderman called Hroe the White. Hroe's
son, called Hrane the Far-travelled, was Harald's
foster-brother, and about the same age. After his
father Gudrod's fall, Harald, who was called Graenske,
fled to the Uplands, and with him his foster-brother
Hrane, and a few people. Harald staid a while there
among his relations ; but as Eric's sons sought after
every man who interfered with them, and especially
those who might oppose them, Harald Graenske' s friends
and relations advised him to leave the country. Ha-
rald therefore went westward into Sweden, and sought
shipmates, that he might enter into company with
those who went out a cruising to gather property.
Harald became in this way a remarkably able man.
There was a man in Sweden at that time called
Toste, one of the most powerful and clever in the land
among those who had no high name or dignity ; and
he was a great warrior, who had been often in battle,
and was therefore called Skoglar* Toste. Harald
Graenske came into his company, and cruised with
Toste in summer ; and wherever Harald came he
was well thought of by every one. In the winter
Harald, after passing two years in the Uplands, took
* From the valkyriar or companion of Odin called Skogul. There-
fore Skogle Toste was the warlike Toste.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 361
up his abode with Toste, and lived five years with saga v.
him. Toste had a daughter, who was both young
and handsome, but she was proud and high-minded.
She was called Sigrid, and was afterwards married to
the Swedish king, Eric the Successful, and had a son
by him, called Olaf the Swede, who was afterwards
king of Sweden. King Eric died in a sick-bed at
Upsal, ten years after the death of Styrbiorn.
Gunhild's sons levied a great army in Yiken, and Chapter
sailed along the land northwards, collecting people Eari Ha-
and ships on the way out of every district. They ^°^'^ ^^^'~^^'
then made known their intent, to proceed north-
wards with their army against Earl Hakon in Dron-
theim. When Earl Hakon heard this news, he also
collected men, and fitted out ships ; and when he
heard what an overwhelming force Gunhild's sons
had with them, he steered south with his fleet to
More, pillaging wherever he came, and killing many
people, both rich and poor. He then sent the whole
of the bonder army back to Drontheim ; but he him-
self, with his men-at-arms, proceeded by both the dis-
tricts of More and Raumsdal, and had his spies out to
the south of Stad to spy the army of Gunhild's sons ;
and when he heard they were come into the Fiords,
and were waiting for a fair wind to sail northwards
round Stad, Earl Hakon set out to sea from the north
side of Stad, so far that his sails could not be seen
from the land, and then sailed eastward on a line
with the coast, and came to Denmark, from whence
he sailed into the Baltic, and pillaged there during
the summer. Gunhild's sons conducted their army
north to Drontheim, and remained there the whole
summer collecting the scatt and duties. But when
summer was advanced they left Sigurd Sieve and
Gudrod behind; and the other brothers returned
eastward with the levied army they had taken up in
summer.
362
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA V.
Chapter
XIII.
Of Earl
Hakon and
Gunhild's
Chapter
XIV.
Sigurd
Sieve's
raurder.
Earl Hakon, towards harvest, sailed into the Both-
nian Gulph to Helsingialand, drew his ships up there
on the beach, and took the land-ways through Hel-
singialand and Jemteland, and so eastwards round
the dividing ridge (the Kiol, or keel of the country),
and down into the Drontheim district. Many people
streamed towards him, and he fitted out ships. When
the sons of Gunhild heard of this, they got on board
their ships, and sailed out of the Fiord ; and Earl
Hakon came to his seat at Lade, and remained there
all winter. The sons of Gunhild, on the other hand,
occupied More ; and they and the earl attacked each
other in turns, killing each other's people. Earl
Hakon kept his dominions of Drontheim, and was
there generally in the winter ; but in summer he
sometimes went to Helsingialand, where he went on
board of his ships and sailed with them down into
the Baltic, and plundered there; and sometimes he
remained in Drontheim, and kept an army on foot,
so that Gunhild's sons could get no hold northwards
of Stad.
One summer Harald Grey skin with his troops went
north to Biarm eland ^, where he forayed, and fought
a great battle with the inhabitants on the banks of
the Dwina. King Harald gained the victory, killed
many people, plundered and wasted and burned far
and wide in the land, and made enormous booty.
Glum Geirason tells of it thus : —
^' I saw the hero Harald chase
With bloody sword Biarme's race :
They fly before him through the night.
All by their burning city's light.
On Dwina's bank, at Harald 's word.
Arose the storm of spear and sword.
In such a wild war-cruise as this.
Great would he be who could bring peace."
* The coast of the Wliite Sea. This name is supposed to be still
retained in the name Permia given to this province.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
363
King Sigurd Sieve came to Hersen* Klyp's house.
Klyp was a son of Thord, and a grandson of Horda
Kaare, and was a man of power and great family. He
was not at home ; but his wife Alof gave a good re-
ception to the king, and made a great feast at which
there was much drinking. Alof was a daughter of
Asbiorn, and sister to Jernskiaegge f , north in Yriar.
Asbiorn's brother was called Reidar, who was father
to Styrkar, whose son was Endrid, father of Einar
Tambaskielver. In the night the king went to bed
to Alof against her will, and then set out on his jour-
ney. The harvest thereafter, King Harald and his
brother King Sigurd Sieve went to Fors, and sum-
moned the bonders to a Thing. There the bonders
fell on them, and would have killed them, but they
escaped and took different roads. King Harald
went to Hardanger, but King Sigurd to Alrekstad.
Now when the Herse Klyp heard of this, he and his
relations assembled to attack the king ; and Yemund
Volubriot was chief of their troop. Now when they
came to the house they attacked the king, and Herse
Klyp, it is said, run him through with his sword and
killed him ; but instantly Klyp was killed on the spot
by Erling Gamle.
King Harald Greyskin and his brother King Gudrod
gathered together a great army in the east country,
with which they set out northwards to Drontheim.
When Earl Hakon heard of it he collected men, and
set out to More, where he plundered. There his
father's brother, Griotgaard, had the command and
defence of the country on account of Gunhild's sons,
and he assembled an army by order of the kings.
Earl Hakon advanced to meet him, and gave him
SAGA V.
Chapter
XV.
Griot-
gaard's fall.
* Hersen^ — a title like Sir or Sira.
t Jernskiaegge,, — iron-beard.
364 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA V. "battle ; and there fell Griotgaard and two other earls,
and many a man besides. So says Einar Skala-
glam : —
" The helm-crown'd Hakon, brave as stout.
Again has put his foes to rout.
The bowl runs o'er with Odin's mead,*
That fires the scald when mighty deed
Has to be sung. Earl Hakon's sword,
In single combat, as I've heard.
Three sons of earls from this one fray
To dwell with Odin drove away."t
Thereafter Earl Hakon went out to sea, and sailed
outside the coast, and came to Denmark. He went
to the Danish king, Harald Gormeson, and was well
received by him, and staid with him all winter. At
that time there was also with the Danish king a man
called Harald, a son of Knud Gormeson, and a bro-
ther's son of King Harald. He was lately come home
from a long viking cruise, on which he had gathered
great riches, and therefore he was called Gold Harald.
He seemed to stand a good chance of coming to the
Danish kingdom.
Chapter King Harald Greyskin and his brothers proceeded
King northwards to Drontheim, where they met no oppo-
Erimg's sition. They levied the scatt duties, and all other
revenues, and laid heavy penalties upon the bonders ;
for the kings had for a long time received but little
income from Drontheim, because Earl Hakon was
there with many troops, and was at variance with these
kings. In autumn King Harald went south with the
greater part of the men-at-arms, but King Erling
remained behind Avith his men. He raised great
contributions from the bonders, and pressed severely
on them ; at which the bonders murmured greatly.
* Odin's mead, called Bodn, was the blood or mead the sons of
Braga, the god of poets, drank to inspire them,
t To dwell with Odin, — viz. slew them.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 365
and submitted to their losses with impatience. In saga v.
winter they gathered together in a great force to go
against King Erling, just as he was at a feast ; and
they gave battle to him, and he with the most of his
men fell.
While Gunhild's sons reigned in Norway the sea- Chapter
sons were always bad, and the longer they reigned or the
the worse were the crops ; and the bonders laid the ^j^orTa ^ at
blame on them. They were very greedy, and used this time,
the bonders harshly. It came at length to be so bad
that fish, as well as corn, were wanting. In Haloga-
land there was the greatest famine and distress; for
scarcely any corn grew, and even snow was lying,
and the cattle were bound in the byres all over the
country until midsummer. Eyvind Skaldaspiller
describes it in his poem, as he came outside of his
house and found a thick snow-drift at that season : —
" 'Tis midsummer^ yet deep snows rest
On Odin's mother's frozen breast :
Like Laplanders, our cattle-kind
In stall or stable we must bind."
Eyvind composed a poem about the people of Ice- Chapter
land, for which they rewarded him by each bonder of the ic'e-
giving him three silver pennies, of full weight and ^"vind^"'^
white in the fracture.* And when the silver was skaida-
brought together at the General Thing, the people
resolved to have it purified, and made into a row
of clasps ; and after the workmanship of the silver
was paid, the row of clasps was valued at fifty marks.
This they sent to Eyvind; but Eyvind was obliged to
separate the clasps from each other, and sell them to
* These are curious circumstances of the importance of the art of
the scald in the estimation of the Iceland people, of the state of their
money, and of their dress. The row of clasps was probably similar
to the rows of buttons still used by the Friesland fishermen for or-
naments on their jackets.
spiller, J
366
CHRONICLE OF THE
'^^-^^' buy food for his household. But the same spring a
shoal of herrings set in upon the fishing ground
beyond the coast-side; and Eyvind manned a ship's
boat with his house servants and cottars, and rowed
to where the herrings were come, and sang : —
^* Now let the steed of ocean bound
O'er the North Sea with dashing sound;
Let nimble tern and screaming gull
Fly round and round — our net is full.
Fain would I know if Fortune sends
A like provision to my friends.
Welcome provision 'tis^ I wot,
That the whale drives to our cook's pot."
So entirely were his moveable goods exhausted,
that he was obliged to sell his arrows to buy her-
rings, or other meat for his table : —
'' Our arms and ornaments of gold
To buy us food we gladly sold ;
The arrows of the bow gave we
For the bright arrows of the sea."*
* Herrings, from their swift darting along, are called the arrows of
the sea ; and there is a play upon the words pila (arrows) and sil (her-
rings), as being similar somewhat in sound.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 367
VI.
SAGA VI.
KING OLAF TRYGGVESSON'S SAGA.*
King Tryggve Olafsson had married a wife who Chapter
was called Astrid. She was a daughter of Eric oiafXryg-
Biodaskalde, a 2:reat man, who dwelt at Ofrostad. gy^sson's
' <=5 7 ^ ^ birth.
But after Tryggve's death Astrid fled, and privately
took with her all the loose property she could. Her
foster-father, Thoralf Lusiskiaeg, followed her, and
never left her; and others of her faithful followers
spied about to discover her enemies, and where they
were. Astrid was pregnant with a child of King
Tryggve, and she went to a lake, and concealed
herself in a holm or small island in it with a few
men. Here her child was born, and it was a
boy ; and water was poured over it, and it was
called Olaf after the grandfather. Astrid remained
all summer here in concealment ; but when the nights
became dark, and the day began to shorten and the
weather to be cold, she was obliged to take to the
land, along with Thoralf and a few other men. They
did not seek for houses, unless in the night time,
when they came to them secretly ; and they spoke to
nobody. One evening, towards dark, they came to
Ofrostad, where Astrid' s father Eric dwelt, and pri-
vately sent a man to Eric to tell him ; and Eric took
them to an out-house, and spread a table for them
mth the best of food. When Astrid had been here
a short time her travelling attendants left her, and
* Olaf Tryggvesson reigned from about the year 995 to the year
1000.
King Olaf^ it will be remembered^ was one of Harald Haarfager's
sons ; King Tryggve Olafsson was the son of this Olaf^ and this Olaf
Tryggvesson the son of Tryggve.
368
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
II.
Of Gun-
hild's sons.
Chapter
III.
Astrid's
journey.
none remained behind with her but two servant girls,
her child Olaf, Thoralf Lusiski^eg, and his son Thor-
gils, who was six years old ; and they remained all
winter.
After Tryggve Olafsson's murder, Harald Grey-
skin and his brother Gudrod went to the farm which
he owned; but Astrid was gone, and they could
learn no tidings of her. A loose report came to their
ears that she was pregnant to King Tryggve ; but
they went away northwards, as before related. As
soon as they met their mother Gunhild, they told
her all that had taken place. She inquired particu-
larly about Astrid, and they told her the report they
had heard; but as Gunhild's sons the same harvest
and winter after had bickerings with Earl Hakon, as
before related, they did not seek after Astrid and her
son that winter.
The spring after Gunhild sent spies to the Uplands,
and aU the way down to Yiken, to spy what they
could about Astrid ; and her men came back, and
could only tell her that Astrid must be with her fa-
ther Eric, and it was probable was bringing up her
infant, the son of Tryggve. Then Gunhild, without
delay, sent off men well furnished with arms and
horses, and in all a troop of thirty; and as their
leader she sent a particular friend of her own, a
powerful man called Hakon. Her orders were to go to
Ofrostad to Eric, and take King Tryggve's son from
thence, and bring the child to her ; and with these
orders the men went out. Now when they were
come to the neighbourhood of Ofrostad, some of Ericas
friends observed the troop of travellers, and about
the close of the day brought him word of their ap-
proach. Eric immediately, in the night, made pre-
paration for Astrid's flight, gave her good guides,
and sent her away eastward to Sweden, to . his good
friend Hakon Gamle, who was a powerful man there.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 369
Long before day they departed, and towards evening saga vi.
they reached a domain called Skon. Here they saw a
large mansion, towards which they went, and begged
a night's lodging. For the sake of concealment they
were clad in mean clothing. There dwelt here a
bonder called Biorn Edderquise, who was very rich,
but very inhospitable. He drove them away ; and
therefore, towards dark, they went to another domain
close by that was called Vither. Thorstein was the
name of the bonder ; and he gave them lodging, and
took good care of them, so that they slept well, and
were well entertained. Early that morning Gun-
hild's men had come to Ofrostad, and inquired for
Astrid and her son. As Eric told them she was not
there, they searched the Avhole house, and remain-
ed till late in the day before they got any news of
Astrid. Then they rode after her the way she had
taken, and late at night they came to Biorn Edder-
quise in Skon, and took up their quarters there.
Hakon asked Biorn if he knew any thing about
Astrid, and he said some people had been there in
the evening wanting lodgings ; '' but I drove them
away, and I suppose they have gone to some of the
neighbouring houses." Thorstein's labourer was
coming from the forest, having left his work at night-
fall, and called in at Biorn' s house because it was in
his way ; and finding there were guests come to the
house, and learning their business, he comes to Thor-
stein and tells him of it. As about a third part of
the night was still remaining, Thorstein wakens his
guests, and orders them in an angry voice to go about
their business ; but as soon as they were out of the
house upon the road, Thorstein tells them that Gun-
hild's messengers were at Biorn' s house, and are upon
the trace of them. They entreat of him to help them,
and he gave them a guide and some provisions. He
conducted them through the forest to a lake, in which
VOL. T. B B
370
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
there was an islet overgrown with reeds. They
waded out to the islet, and hid themselves among the
reeds. Early in the morning Hakon rode away from
Biorn's into the township, and wherever he came he
asked after Astrid ; and when he came to Thorstein's
he asked if she had been there. He said that some
people had been there ; but as soon as it was day-
light they had set off again, eastwards, to the forest.
Hakon made Thorstein go along with them, as he
knew all the roads and hiding-places. Thorstein went
with them ; but Avhen they were come into the woods,
he led them right across the way Astrid had taken.
They went about and about the whole day to no pur-
pose, as they could find no trace of her; so they
turned back to tell Gunhild the end of their travel.
Astrid and her friends proceeded on their journey,
and came to Sweden, to Hakon Gamle (the Old),
where she and her son remained a long time, and had
friendly welcome.
When Gunhild, the mother of the kings, heard that
Astrid and her son Olaf were in the kingdom of
embassy to Swcdcu, shc again sent Hakon, with a good attend-
ance, eastward, to Eric king of Sweden, with pre-
sents and messages of friendship. The embassadors
were well received and well treated. Hakon, after a
time, disclosed his errand to the king, saying that
Gunhild had sent him with the request that the king
would assist him in getting hold of Olaf Tryggvesson,
to conduct him to Norway, where Gunhild would
bring him up. The king gave Hakon people with
him, and he rode mth them to Hakon the Old, where
Hakon desired, with many friendly expressions, that
Olaf should go with him. Hakon the Old returned a
friendly answer, saying that it depended entirely upon
Olaf's mother. But Astrid would on no account
listen to the proposal ; and the messengers had to re-
turn as they came, and to tell King Eric how the
Chapter
IV.
Hakon's
KINGS OF NORWAY. 371
matter stood. The embassadors then prepared to re- ^^^^ ^^-
turn home, and asked the king for some assistance to
take the boy, whether Hakon the Old would or not.
The king gave them again some attendants ; and
when they came to Hakon the Old, they again asked
for the boy, and on his refusal to deliver him they
used high words and threatened violence. But one
of the slaves, Burst by name, attacked Hakon, and
was going to kill htm ; and they barely escaped from
the thralls without a cudgelling, and proceeded home
to Norway to tell Gunhild their ill success, and that
they had only seen Olaf.
Astrid had a brother called Sigurd, a son of Eric Chapter
Biodaskalde, who had long been abroad in Russia ofsigurd
with King Yaldemar, and was there in great consider- ^"^''^'^"•
ation. Astrid had now a great inclination to travel
to her brother there. Hakon the Old gave her good
attendants, and what was needful for the journey,
and she set out with some merchants. She had then
been two years with Hakon the Old, and Olaf was
three years of age. As they sailed out into the
Baltic, they were captured by vikings of Esthonia,
who made booty both of the people and goods, killing
some, and dividing others as slaves. Olaf was sepa-
rated from his mother, and an Esthonian man called
Klerkon got him as his share along with Thoralf and
Thorkils. Klerkon thought that Thoralf was too old
for a slave, and that there was not much work to be
got out of him, so he killed him; but took the boys
with him, and sold them to a man called Kl^rk for a
stout and good ram. A third man, called Eeas,
bought Olaf for a good cloak. Reas had a wife
called Rekon, and a son by her whose name Avas
Rekoni. Olaf was long with them, was treated well,
and was much beloved by the people. Olaf was six
years in Esthonia in this banishment.
B B 2
372
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
VI.
Olaf is set
free in
Esthonia.
Chapter
VII.
Klerkon
killed by
Olaf.
Sigurd, the son of Eric (Astrid^s brother), came
into Esthonia from Novogorod, on King Valdemar's
business to collect the king's taxes and rents. Sigurd
came as a man of consequence, Avith many followers
and great magnificence. In the market-place he
happened to observe a remarkably handsome boy ;
and as he could distinguish that he was a foreigner,
he asked him his name and family. He answered
him, that his name was Olaf; that he was a son of
Try ggve Olafsson; and Astrid, a daughter of Eric
Biodaskalde, was his mother. Then Sigurd knew that
the boy was his sister's son, and asked him how he
came there. Olaf told him minutely all his adven-
tures, and Sigurd told him to follow him to the peasant
Reas'. When he came there he bought both the boys,
Olaf and Thorgils, and took them with him to Novo-
gorod. But, for the first, he made nothing known of
Olaf 's relationship to him, but treated him well.
Olaf Tryggvesson Avas one day in the market-
place, where there was a great number of people.
He recognised Klaerkon again, who had killed his
foster-father Thoralf Lusiskiaeg. Olaf had a little
axe in his hand, and with it he clove KlaBrkon's scull
down to the brain, and ran home to his lodging, and
told his friend Sigurd what he had done. Sigurd
immediately took Olaf to Queen AUogia's house, told
her what had happened, and begged her to protect
the boy. She replied, that the boy appeared far too
comely to allow him to be slain ; and she ordered her
people to be drawn out fully armed. In Novogorod,
the sacredness of peace is so respected, that it is law
there to slay whoever puts a man to death except by
judgment of law ; and, according to this law and
■usage, the whole people stormed and sought after the
boy. It was reported that he was in the queen's house,
and that there was a number of armed men there.
When this was told to the king, he went there with his
KINGS OF NORWAY. 373
people, but would allow no bloodshed. It was settled saga^l
at last in peace, that the king should name the fine for
the murder ; and the queen paid it. Olaf remained
afterwards with the queen, and was much beloved.
It is a law at Novogorod, that no man of a royal
descent shall stay there without the king's permis-
sion. Sigurd therefore told the queen of what family
Olaf was, and for what reason he had come to Russia ;
namely, that he could not remain with safety in his
own country : and begged her to speak to the king
about it. She did so, and begged the king to help a
king's son whose fate had been so hard ; and in con-
sequence of her entreaty the king promised to assist
him, and accordingly he received Olaf into his court,
and treated him nobly, and as a king's son. Olaf was
nine years old when he came to Russia, and he re-
mained nine years more with king Yaldemar. Olaf
was the handsomest of men, very stout and strong,
and in all bodily exercises he excelled every North-
man that ever was heard of.
Earl Hakon, Sigurd's son, was with the Danish Chapter
king, Harald Gormson, the winter after he had fled of Hakon
from Norway before Gunhild's sons. During the f^^^ °^
winter the earl had so much care and sorrow that
he took to bed, and passed many sleepless nights,
and ate and drank no more than was needful to sup-
port his strength. Then he sent a private message to
his friends north in Drontheim, and proposed to them
that they should kill King Erling, if they had an
opportunity ; adding, that he would come to them in
summer. The same winter the Drontheim people
accordingly, as before related, killed King Erling.
There was great friendship between Earl Hakon and
Gold Harald, and Harald told Hakon all his intentions.
He told him that he was tired of a ship-life, and
wanted to settle on the land ; and asked Hakon if he
thought his brother King Harald would agree to
B B 3
374 CHRONICLE of the
SAGA VI. divide the the kingdom with him if he asked it. ^' I
think," replied Hakon, '' that the Danish king would
not deny thy right; but the best way to know is to
speak to the king himself. I know for certain so
much, that you will not get a kingdom if you don't
ask for it." Soon after this conversation Gold Ha-
rald spoke to the king about the matter, in the pre-
sence of many great men who were friends to both ;
and Gold Harald asked King Harald to divide the
kingdom with him in two equal parts, to which his
royal birth and the custom of the Danish monarchy
gave him right. The king was highly incensed at
this demand, and said that no man had asked his
father Gorm to be king over half of Denmark, nor yet
his grandfather King Hordeknut, or Sigurd Orm, or
Ragnar Lodbrok ; and he was so exasperated and
angry, that nobody ventured to speak of it to him.
Chapter Gold Harald was now worse off than before ; for he
IX • •
Of Goid bad got no kingdom, and had got the king's anger
Harald. }yj ppoposiug it. Hc wcut as usual to his friend Hakon,
and complained to him of his fate, and asked for
good advice, and if he could help him to get his
share of the kingdom; saying that he would rather
try force, and the chance of war, than give it up.
Hakon advised him not to speak to any man so
that this should be known; '' for," said he, " it con-
cerns thy life : and rather consider with thyself what
thou art man enough to undertake ; for to accomplish
such a purpose requires a bold and firm man, who
will neither stick at good nor evil to do that which is
intended ; for to take up great resolutions, and then to
lay them aside, would only end in dishonour."
Gold Harald replies, — ^' I will so carry on what I
begin, that I will not hesitate to kill Harald witli my
OAATi hands, if I can come thereby to the kingdom he
denies me, and which is mine by right." And so
they separated.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 375
Now King Harald comes also to Earl Hakoi], and sagavi.
tells him the demand on his kingdom which Gold
Harald had made, and also his answer, and that he
would upon no account consent to diminish his king-
dom. "And if Gold Harald persists in his demand, I
will have no hesitation in having him killed ; for I
will not trust him if he does not renounce it."
The earl answered, — " My thoughts are, that Ha-
rald has carried his demand so far that he cannot
now let it drop, and I expect nothing but war in the
land ; and that he will be able to gather a great force,
because his father was so beloved. And then it
would be a great enormity if you were to kill your
relation; for, as things now stand, all men would say
that he was innocent. But I am far from saying,
or advising, that you should make yourself a smaller
king than your father Gorm was, who in many ways
enlarged, but never diminished his kingdom."
The king replies, — " What then is your advice, —
if I am neither to divide my kingdom, nor to get rid
of my fright and danger ?"
" Let us meet again in a few days," said Earl Ha-
kon, '' and I Avill then have considered the matter
well, and will give you my advice upon it."
The king then went away with his people.
Earl Hakon had now great reflection, and many opi- Chapter
nions to weigh, and he let only very few be in the house councils
with him. In a few days King Harald came again e^^]^^.
to the earl to speak with him, and ask if he had kon and
yet considered fully the matter they had been talking raiS^
of.
" I have," said the earl, " considered it night and
day ever since, and find it most advisable that you
retain and rule over the whole of your kingdom just
as your father left it ; but that you obtain for your
relation Harald another kingdom, that he also may
enjoy honour and dignity."
B B 4
376
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
((
" What kind of kingdom is that,'^ said the king,
which I can give to Harald, that I may possess Den-
mark entire ? "
" It is Norway," said the earl. " The kings who
are there are oppressive to the people of the country,
so that every man is against them who has tax or
service to pay."
The king replies, — ^'Norway is a large country, and
the people fierce, and not good to attack with a foreign
army. We found that sufficiently when Hakon de-
fended that country ; for we lost many people, and
gained no victory. Besides, Harald the son of Eric
is my foster-son, and has sat on my knee."
The earl answers, — " I have long kno^vn that you
have helped Gunhild's sons with your force, and a bad
return you have got for it ; but we shall get at
Norway much more easily than by fighting for it
with all the Danish force. Send a message to your
foster-son Harald, Eric's son, and offer him the lands
and fiefs which Gunhild's sons held before in Denmark.
Appoint him a meeting, and Gold Harald will soon
conquer for himself a kingdom in Norway from Ha-
rald Grey skin."
The king replies, that it would be called a bad
business to deceive his own foster-son.
" The Danes," answered the earl, " will rather say
that it was better to kill a Norwegian viking than a
Danish, and your own brother's son."
They spoke so long over the matter, that they
agreed on it.
Thereafter Gold Harald had a conference with Earl
Hakon ; and the earl told him he had now advanced
his business so far, that there was hope a kingdom
might stand open for him in Norway. " We can
then continue," said he, " our ancient friendship, and
I can be of the greatest use to you in Norway. Take
first that kingdom. King Harald is now very old, and
KINGS OF NORWAY. 377
has but one son, and cares but little about him, as he saga vi.
is but the son of a concubine."
The earl talked so long to Gold Harald that the
project pleased him well ; and the king, the earl, and
Gold Hakon often talked over the business together.
The Danish king then sent messengers north to
Norway to Harald Greyskin, and fitted them out
magnificently for their journey. They were well re-
ceived by Harald. The messengers told him that
Earl Hakon was in Denmark, but was lying danger-
ously sick, and almost out of his senses. They then
delivered from Harald, the Danish king, the invitation
to Harald Greyskin, his foster- son, to come to him, and
receive investiture of the fiefs he and his brothers
before him had formerly held in Denmark ; and ap-
pointing a meeting in Jutland. Harald Greyskin laid
the matter before his mother and other friends.
Their opinions were divided. Some thought that the
expedition was not without its danger, on account of
the men with whom they had to deal ; but the most
were in haste to begin the journey, for at that time
there was such a famine in Norway that the kings
could scarcely feed their men-at-arms : and on this
account the Fiord, on which the kings resided, usually
got the name of Hardanger (Hard-acre). In Denmark,
on the other hand, there had been tolerably good crops ;
so that people thought that if King Harald got fiefs,
and something to rule over there, they would get
some assistance. It was therefore concluded, before
the messengers returned, that Harald should travel to
Denmark to the Danish king in summer, and accept
the conditions King Harald ofi'ered.
Harald Greyskin went to Denmark in summer with Chapter
AT 7 T
three long- ships ; and Herse Asbiorn, from tlie Fiord Treachery
district, commanded one of them. Kins: Harald sailed ^^ ^^"s
. . ^ Harald
fromViken over to Lymfiord in Jutland, and landed and Eari
378 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. at the narrow neck of land* where the Danish king
Hakon to- was expected. Now when Gold Harald heard of this,
mmid'^'^ he sailed there w4th nine ships which he had fitted
out before for a viking cruise. Earl Hakon had also
his war force on foot ; namely, twelve large ships, all
ready, with which he proposed to make an expedition.
When Gold Harald had departed. Earl Hakon says to
the king, " Now I don't know if we are not sailing on
an expedition, and yet are to pay the penalty of not
having joined it. Gold Harald may kill Harald Grey-
skin, and get the kingdom of Norway; but you must
not think he will be true to you, although you do help
him to so much power, for he told me in winter that
he would take your life if he could find opportunity
to do so. Now I will win Norway for you, and kill
Gold Harald, if you will promise me a good condi-
tion under you. I will be your earl ; swear an oath
of fidelity to you, and, with your help, conquer all
Norway for you ; hold the country under your rule ;
pay you the scatt and taxes ; and you will be a greater
king than your father, as you will have two kingdoms
under you." The king and the earl agreed upon this,
and Hakon set off to seek Gold Harald.
Chapter Gold Harald cauic to the neck of land at Lymfiord,
H^aM^ and immediately challenged Harald Greyskin to battle ;
Graafeid and altliough Harald had fewer men, he went imme-
neck of diately on the land, prepared for battle, and drew up
land at |^^g trooDS. Bcforc the lines came too^ether Harald
Greyskin urged on his men, and told them to draw
their swords. He himself advanced the foremost of
the troop, hewing down on each side. So says Glum
Geirason, in Greyskin's lay : —
* Lymfiord, running in from the Baltic across the peninsula of Jut-
landj is only divided by a narrow neck of land from the North Sea.
This neck has within these fifteen years been washed away, and there is
now a channel into the Baltic by this new passage for small craft.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 379
'* Brave were thy words in battle-field, saga vi.
Thou stainer of the snow-white shield ! —
Thou gallant war-god ! With thy voice
Thou couldst the dying man rejoice :
The cheer of Harald could impart
Courage and life to every heart.
While swinging high the blood-smeared sword.
By arm and voice we knew our lord."
There fell Harald Greyskin. So says Glum Geira-
son : —
" On Lymfiord's strand, by the tide's flow.
Stern Fate has laid King Harald low ;
The gallant viking-cruiser — he
Who loved the isle-encircling sea.
. The generous ruler of the land
Fell at the narrow Lymfiord strand.
Enticed by Hakon's cunning speech
To his death-bed on Lymfiord's beach."
The most of King Harald's men fell with him.
There also fell Herse Asbiorn.
This happened fifteen years* after the death of
HakonAthelstan's foster-son, and thirteen years after
that of Sigurd earl of Lade. The priest Are Frode
says that Earl Hakon was thirteen years earl over
his father's dominions in Drontheim district before
the fall of Harald Greyskin ; but, for the last six
years of Harald Greyskin's life, Are Erode says the
Earl Hakon and Gunhild's sons fought against each
other, and drove each other out of the land in
turns.
Soon after Harald Greyskin's fall. Earl Hakon came xiv.
up to Gold Harald, and the earl immediately gave ^iatt^a^th.
battle to Harald. Hakon gained the victory, and
Harald was made prisoner ; but Hakon had him im-
mediately hanged on a gallows. Hakon then went to
the Danish king, and no doubt easily settled with him
for the killing his relative Gold Harald.
* This brings the reign of Harald Greyskin to about the year 975.
380 CHRONICLE OF THE
sA^A^vi. Soon after King Harald Gormson ordered a levy of
Chapter nien over all his kingdom, and sailed with 600 ships.
Division of There were with him Earl Hakon, Harald Graenske a
the country. ^^^ ^.p j^^^^-^g Qndrod, and many other great men who
had fled from their udal estates in Norway on account
of Gunhild's sons. The Danish king sailed with his fleet
from the south to Viken, where all the people of the
country surrendered to him. When he came to Tuns-
berg swarms of people joined him ; and King Harald
gave to Earl Hakon the command of all the men who
came to him in Norway, and gave him the govern-
ment over Rog aland, Hordaland, Sogn, Fiorde dis-
trict, South More, Raumsdal, and North More. These
seven districts gave King Harald to Earl Hakon to rule
over, with the same rights as Harald Haarfager gave
with them to his sons; only with the difl'erence, that
Hakon should there, as well as in Drontheim, have
the king's land-estates and land-tax, and use the
king's money and goods according to his necessities
whenever there was war in the country. King Ha-
rald also gave Harald Graenske Yingulmark, West-
fold, and Agder all the way to the Naze, together with
the title of king ; and let him have these dominions
with the same rights as his family in former times
had held them, and as Harald Haarfager had given
with them to his sons. Harald Graenske was then
eighteen years old, and he became afterwards a cele-
brated man. Harald king of Denmark returned home
thereafter with all his army.
CHAPTEa Earl Hakon proceeded northwards along the coast
Gunhild's with his force; and when Gunhild and her. sons got
thecountry. "^^^ tldiugs they procccdcd to gather troops, but
were ill ofl* for men. Then they took the same reso-
lution as before, to sail out to sea with such men as
would follow them away to the westward. They
came first to the Orkney Islands, and remained there
a while. There were in Orkney then the Earls
KINGS OF NORWAY.
381
Lodver, Arnvid, Lied, and Skule*, the sons of Thor- sagavi.
fin HausaklifFer.
Earl Hakon now brought all the country under
him, and remained all winter in Drontheim. Einar
Skalaglam speaks of his conquests in Vellekla : —
" Norway's great watchman, Harald, now
May bind the silk snood on his brow —
Seven provinces he seized. The realm
Prospers with Hakon at the helm."
As Hakon the earl proceeded this summer along
the coast subjecting all the people to him, he ordered
that over all his dominions the temples and sacrifices
should be restored, and continued as of old. So it is
said in the Vellekla : —
'^ Hakon the earl, so good and wise.
Let all the ancient temples rise; —
Thor's temples raised with fostering hand,
That had been ruined through the land.
His valiant champions, who were slain
On battle-fields across the main.
To Thor, the thunder-god, may tell
How for the gods all turns out well.
The hardy warrior now once more
Offers the sacrifice of gore ;
The shield-bearer in Loke's game -|-
Invokes once more great Asa's name ; |
The green earth gladly yields her store.
As she was wont in days of yore.
Since the brave breaker of the spears
The holy shrines again uprears.
The earl has conquered with strong hand
All that lies north of Viken land :
In battle storm, and iron rain,
Hakon spreads wide his sword's domain."
The first Avinter that Hakon ruled over Norway the
herrings set in every where through the fiords to the
land, and the seasons ripened to a good crop all that
had been sown. The people, therefore, laid in seed
* The ancient family of ScoUay in Orkney may probably derive their
name from this chief,
t Loke's game is war.
% The name of Odin.
382 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. for the next year, and got their lands sowed, and had
hope of good times.
Chapter King Ragnfrid and King Gudrod, both sons of
Earl Ha- Gunhild and Eric, were now the only sons of Gun-
kon's battle j^^jj rcmainino^ in life. So says Glum Geirason in
withRagn- ^ . . , . ^ ^
frid. Greysknr s lay : —
" When in the battle's bloody strife
The sword took noble Harald's life.
Half of my fortunes with him fell :
But his two brothers, I know well.
My loss would soon repair, should they
Again in Norway bear the sway.
And to their promises should stand.
If they return to rule the land."
Ragnfrid began his course in the spring after he
had been a year in the Orkney Islands. He sailed
from thence to Norway, and had with him fine troops,
and large ships. When he came to Norway he
learnt that Earl Hakon was in Drontheim ; therefore
he steered northwards around Stad, and plundered
in South More. Some people submitted to him; for
it often happens, when parties of armed men scour
over a country, that those who are nearest the danger
seek help where they think it may be expected. As
soon as Earl Hakon heard the news of disturbance in
More, he fitted out ships, sent the war-token through
the land, made ready in all haste, and proceeded out
of the fiord. He had no difiiculty in assembling
men. Ragnfrid and Earl Hakon met at the north
corner of More ; and Hakon, who had most men, but
fewer ships, began the battle. The combat was
severe, but heaviest on Hakon's side ; and, as the
custom then was, they fought bow to bow, and there
was a current in the sound which drove all the ships
in upon the land. The earl ordered to row with the
oars to the land where landing seemed easiest. When
the ships Avere all grounded, the earl with all his men
left them, and drew them up so far that the enemy
KINGS OF NORWAY. 383
might not launch them down again, and then drew saga vi.
up his men on a grass field, and challenged Ragnfrid
to land. Ragnfrid and his men laid their vessels in
along the land, and they shot at each other a long
time ; but upon the land Ragnfrid would not venture :
and so they separated. Ragnfrid sailed with his fleet
southwards around Stad ; for he was much afraid the
Avhole forces of the country would swarm around
Hakon. Hakon, on his part, was not inclined to try
again a battle, for he thought the dilFerence between
their ships in size was too great; so in harvest he
went north to Drontheim, and staid there all win-
ter. King Ragnfrid consequently had all the country
soutli of Stad at his mercy; namely. Fiord district,
Hordaland, Sogn, Rogaland; and he had many peo-
ple about him all winter. When spring approached
he ordered out the people, and collected a large force.
By going about the districts he got many men, ships,
and warlike stores sent as he required.
Towards spring Earl Hakon ordered out all the Chapter
men north in the country, and got many people Another '
from Halo2:aland and Naumadal; so that fromBvrda'^ battle be-
to Stad he had men from all the sea coast. It was Hakon and
said for certain that he had men from four great in^Sogn.
districts, and that seven earls followed him, and a
matchless number of men. So it is said in the Vel-
lekla : —
" Hakon, defender of the land,
Arnned in the North his warrior-band;
To Sogne's shore f his force he led.
And from all quarters thither sped
War-ships and men ; and haste was made
By the young god of the sword-blade_,
The hero-viking of the wave.
His wide domain from foes to save.
* Byrda, now Boro, in the parish of Biorn Isles^ on the coast_, near
the mouth of the Namsen river, or Naumadal.
t Sogne fiord.
384 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAAO VI. With shining keels seven kings sailed on
To meet this raven-feeding one.
When the clash came^ the stunning sound
Was heard in Norway's farthest bound;
And sea-borne corpses^ floating far,
Brought round the Naze new^s from the war."
Earl Hakon sailed then with his fleet southwards
around Stad; and when he heard that King Ragnfrid
with his army had gone towards Sogn, he turned
there also with his men to meet him: and there
Rao^nfrid and Hakon met. Hakon came to the land
with his ships, marked out a battle-field with hazel
branches for King Ragnfrid *, and took ground for his
own men in it. So it is told in the Yellekla: —
" In the fierce battle Ragnfrid then
Met the grim foe of Vendland men;-t
And many a hero of great name
Fell in the sharp sword's bloody game.
The wielder of fell Narve's weapon, %
The conquering hero, valiant Hakon,
Had laid his war-ships on the strand.
And ranged his warriors on the land."
There was a great battle ; but Earl Hakon, having
by far the most people, gained the victory. It took
place on the Thing-ness where Sogn and Hordaland
meet. §
King Ragnfrid fled to his ships, after 300 of his
men had fallen. So it is said in the Yellekla : —
^' Sharp was the battle-strife, I ween, —
Deadly and close it must have been.
Before, upon the bloody plain.
Three hundred corpses of the slain
* This marking out a champ clos for battle appears to have been
common among the Northmen.
t Earl Hakon, from his victories over them, is called the foe of the
Vendland men.
;|; Narve was the son of Loke ; and the sword was called Narve's
weapon.
§ Things were generally held on nesses or tongues accessible by
water, as roads were not formed.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 385
Were stretched for the black raven's prey ; saga vl
And when the conquerors took their way
To the sea-shore, they had to tread
O'er piled-up heaps of foemen dead."
After this battle King Ragnfrid fled from Norway ;
but Earl Hakon restored peace to the country, and
allowed the great army which had followed him in
summer to return home to the north country, and
he himself remained in the south that harvest and
winter.
Earl Hakon married a girl called Thora, a daughter Chapter
of the powerful Skage Skoptason, and very beautiful Ead Ha-
she was. They had two sons, Swend and Heming, ^^^'^ "mar-
aud a daughter called Bergliot, who was afterwards
married to Einar Tambarskielver. Earl Hakon was
much addicted to women, and had many children ;
among others a daughter Ragnhild, whom he mar-
ried to Skopte Skagason, a brother of Thora. The
Earl loved Thora so much, that he held Thora's
family in higher respect than any other people, and
Skopte his brother-in-law in particular ; and he gave
him many great fiefs in More. Whenever they were
on a cruise together, Skopte must lay his ship nearest
to the earl's, and no other ship was allowed to come
in between.
One summer that Earl Hakon was on a cruise, Chapter
XX
there was a ship Avith him of which Thorleif the skopte the
Wise was steersman. In it was also Eric, Earl Ha- ^^^Jy^^""'^" *
kon's son, then about ten or eleven years old. Now in
the evenings, as they came into harbour, Eric would
not allow any ship but his to lie nearest to the earl's.
But when they came to the south, to More, they met
Skopte, the earl's brother-in-law, with a well-manned
ship ; and as they rowed towards the fleet, Skopte
called out that Thorleif should move out of the har-
bour to make room for him, and should go to the
roadstead. Eric" in haste took up the matter, and
VOL. I. c c
386 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. ordered Skopte to go himself to the roadstead. When
Earl Hakon heard that his son thought himself too
great to give place to Skopte, he called to them im-
mediately that they should haul out from their berth,
threatening them with chastisement if they did not.
When Thorleif heard this, he ordered his men to slip
their land-cable, and they did so ; and Skopte laid
his vessel next to the earl's, as he used to do.
When they came together, Skopte brought the earl
all the news he had gathered, and the earl communi-
cated to Skopte all the news he had heard ; and
Skopte was therefore called the Newsman. The
winter after Eric was with his foster-father Thorleif,
and early in spring he gathered a crew of followers,
and Thorleif gave him a boat of fifteen benches of
rowers, with ship furniture, tents, and ship provi-
sions ; and Eric set out from the fiord, and south-
wards to More. Newsman Skopte happened also to
be going with a fully manned boat of fifteen rowers'
benches from one of his farms to another, and Eric
went against him to have a battle. Skopte was slain,
but Eric granted life to those of his men who were
still on their legs. So says Eyolf Dadaskald in the
Banda lay : —
" At eve the youth went out
To meet the warrior stout —
To meet stout Skopte — he
Whose war-ship roves the sea.
Like force was on each side.
But in the whirling tide
The young wolf Eric slew
Skopte, and all his crew :
And he was a gallant one.
Dear to the Earl Hakon.
Up, youth of steel-hard breast —
No time hast thou to rest !
Thy ocean wings spread wide —
Speed o'er the foaming tide !
Speed on — speed on thy way !
For here thou canst not stay." •
KINGS OF NORWAY. 387
Eric sailed along the land and came to Denmark, saga vl
and went to King Harald Gormeson, and staid with
him all winter. In spring the Danish king sent him
north to Norway, and gave him an earldom, and the
government of Yingulmark and Raumarige, on the
same terms as the small scatt-paying kings had
formerly held these domains. So says Eyolf Dada-
skald : —
" South through ocean's spray
His dragon flew away
To Gormson's hall renowned^
Where the bowl goes bravely round.
And the Danish king did place
This youth of noble race
Where, shield and sword in hand.
He would aye defend his land."
Eric became afterwards a great chief.
All this time Olaf Tryggvesson was in Russia, and Chapter
highly esteemed by King Valdemar, and beloved by oiaf
the queen. King Yaldemar made him chief over the
men-at-arms whom he sent out to defend the land, foumey
So says Hallarstein : — RuTsia,
'^ The hater of the niggard hand, *
The chief who loves the Northman's land,
Was only twelve years old when he
His Russian war -ships put to sea.
The wain that ploughs the sea was then
Loaded with war-gear by his men —
With swords, and spears, and helms ; and deep
Out to the sea his good ships sweep."
Olaf had several battles, and was lucky as a leader
of troops. He himself kept a great many men-at-
arms at his own expense out of the pay the king
gave him. Olaf was very generous to his men, and
therefore very popular. But then it came to pass,
what so often happens when a foreigner is raised to
* The original figure of expression is, "^ hater of the fire of the bow's
seat:" viz the seat of the bow is the hand ; the fire of the hand the
gold-rings worn on the fingers ; the hater of this fire he who does not
care for it, but parts with it readily — the generous man,
c c 2
Tryg-
gvesson's
388 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. higher power and dignity than men of the country,
that many envied him because he was so favoured by
the king, and also not less so by the queen. They
hinted to the king that he should take care not to
make Olaf too powerful, — " for such a man may be
dangerous to you, if he were to allow himself to be
used for the purpose of doing you or your kingdom
harm ; for he is extremely expert in all exercises and
feats, and very popular. We do not, indeed, know
what it is he can have to talk of so often with the
queen." It was then the custom among great mo-
narchs that the queen should have half of the court at-
tendants, and she supported them at her own expense
out of the scatt and revenue provided for her for that
purpose. It was so also at the court of King Valde-
mar that the queen had an attendance as large as
the king, and they vied with each other about the
finest men, each wanting to have such in their own
service. It so fell out that the king listened to such
speeches, and became somewhat silent and blunt to-
wards Olaf. When Olaf observed this, he told it to
the queen ; and also that he had a great desire to
travel to the Northern land, where his family formerly
had power and kingdoms, and where it was most
likely he would advance himself. The queen wished
him a prosperous journey, and said he would be
found a brave man wherever he might be. Olaf
then made ready, went on board, and set out to sea
in the Baltic. So says Marcus Skeggiason in " Eek-
stefen :" —
" The Russian cutters start from land^
Under the generous chief's commando-
Out to the open sea they run^
Under the gallant Tryggve's son :
And, ranging all the M'estern coast,
Olaf the brave, who led the host,
Made many a sturdy foeman feel
The sharp edge of his biting steeL"
KINGS OF NOKWAY. 389
As he was coming from the east he made the ^^^^ ^^-
island of Bornholm, where he landed and plun-
dered. The country people hastened down to the
strand, and gave him battle ; but Olaf gained th e
victory, and a large booty.
While Olaf lay at Bornholm there came on bad ^^^^^^
weather, storm, and a heavy sea, so that his ships oiaf
could not lie there ; and he sailed southwards under gvYsfon's
Vendland *, where they found a good harbour. They marriage,
conducted themselves very peacefully, and remained
some time. In Yendland there was then a king
called Burislaf, who had three daughters, — Geyra,
Gunhild, and Astrid. The king's daughter Geyra
had the power and government in that part where
Olaf and his people landed, and Dixin was the name
of the man who most usually advised Queen Geyra.
Now when they heard that unknown people were
come to the country, who were of distinguished ap-
pearance, and conducted themselves peaceably, Dixin
repaired to them with a message from Queen Geyra,
inviting the strangers to take up their winter abode
with her; for the summer was almost spent, and the
Aveather was severe and stormy. Now when Dixin
came to the place he soon saw that the leader was a
distinguished man, both from family and personal
appearance, and he told Olaf the queen's invitation
with the most friendly message. Olaf willingly ac-
cepted the invitation, and went in harvest to Queen
Geyra. They liked each other exceedingly, and Olaf
courted Queen Geyra ; and it was so settled that Olaf
married her the same winter, and was ruler, along with
Queen Geyra, over her dominions. Halfred Yandrse-
daskald tells of these matters in the lay he composed
about King Olaf: —
* Vindland or Vendland — the land of the Vends or Vands, the
Sclavonic people who then occupied the coast from the Vistula to Hol-
stein. The Vendland of the saga is the present Mecklenburg, Pome-
rania, and East Prussia.
c c 3
890
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chaptek
XXIII.
Earl Ha-
kon pays
no scatt
Chapter
XXIV.
King Ha-
rald's levy
to oppose
the Em-
peror
Otto's de-
mand to
introduce
Chris-
tianity in
his king^
dom.
Chapter
XXV.
Olaf
Tryg-
gvesson's
war expe-
dition.
*' Why should the deeds the hero did
In Bornholm and the East be hid ?
His deadly weapon Olaf bold
Dyed red : why should not this be told ? "
Earl Hakon ruled over Norway, and paid no scatt ;
because the Danish king gave him all the scatt re-
venue that belonged to the king in Norway, for the
expense and trouble he had in defending the country
against Gunhild's sons.
The Emperor Otto was at that time in the Saxon
country, and sent a message to King Harald, the
Danish king, that he must take on the true faith and
be baptized, he and all his people whom he ruled ;
" otherwise," says the emperor, " we will march
against him with an army." The Danish king or-
dered the land defence to be fitted out, the Danish
wall* to be well fortified, and his ships of war rigged
out. He sent a message also to Earl Hakon in Nor-
way to come to him early in spring, and with as
many men as he could possibly raise. In spring Earl
Hakon levied an army over the whole country which
was very numerous, and with it he sailed to meet the
Danish king. The king received him in the most
honourable manner. Many other chiefs also joined
the Danish king with their men, so that he had ga-
thered a very large army.
Olaf Tryggvesson had been all winter in Yendland,
as before related, and went the same winter to the
baronies in Vendland which had formerly been un-
der Queen Geyra, but had withdrawn themselves
from obedience and payment of taxes. There Olaf
made war, killed many people, burnt out others, took
much property, and laid all of them under subjection
* Danaverki. The Danish work was a wall of earth, stones, and
wood, with a deep ditch in front, and a castle at every hundred fathoms,
between the rivers Eyder and Sle, constructed by Harald Blaatand to
oppose the progress of Charlemagne. Some traces of it still exist.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 891
to him, and then went back to his castle. Early in saga vi.
spring Olaf rigged out his ships and set off to sea. He
sailed to Scania*, and made a landing. The people
of the country assembled, and gave him battle ; but
King Olaf conquered, and made a great booty. He
then sailed eastward to the island of Gotland, where
he captured a merchant vessel belonging to the peo-
ple of Jemteland.f They made a brave defence ; but
the end of it was that Olaf cleared the deck, killed
all the men, and took all the goods. He had a third
battle in Gotland, in which he also gained the vic-
tory, and made a great booty. So says Halfred Yan-
drsedaskald : —
" The king, so fierce in battle-fray,
First made the Vendland men give way:
The Gotlanders must tremble next;
And Scania's shores are sorely vexed
By the sharp pelting arrow shower
The hero and his warriors pour;
And then the Jemtland men must fly,
Scared by his well-known battle-cry."
The Emperor Otto assembled a great army from Chapter
Saxonland J, Frakland § , Friesland ||, and Vendland. ^ xhe Em-
King Burislaf followed him with a large army, and in p^^or otto
it was his son-in-law, Olaf Tryggvesson. The em- Hakon
peror had a great body of horsemen, and still greater i^attle^at
of foot people, and a great army from Holstein. ** ^iie Danish
Harald, the Danish king, sent Earl Hakon with the schieswig.
* The large part of Sweden, or of the country on the Swedish
side of the Sound, called Scania, belonged in the earliest times to the
kingdom of Denmark.
I Jemteland is the province still so called on the Swedish side of a
ridge of hills, or keel of the peninsula, at the head of the Bothnian
Gulph.
Saxonland, or Germany.
§ Frakkaland, or Frankland, is France.
II Friesland, the low countries about the Ems.
^ Vendland is the present Pomerania and Mecklenburg down to
the Gulph of Lubeck.
** Holsetta-land is Holstein.
C C 4
392 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. army of Northmen that followed him southwards to
the Danish wall, to defend his kingdom on that side.
So it is told in the " Yellekla : "—
^' Over the foaming salt sea spray
The Norse sea-horses took their way.
Racing across the ocean-plain
Southwards to Denmark's green domain.
The gallant chief of Hordaland *
Sat at the helm with steady hand.
In casque and shield, his men to bring
From Dovre to his friend the king.
He steered his war-ships o'er the wave
To help the Danish king to save
Mordalf, who, with a gallant band.
Was hastening from the Jutes' wild land.
Across the forest frontier rude.
With toil and pain through the thick wood.
Glad was the Danish king, I trow.
When he saw Hakon*s galley's prow.
The monarch straightway gave command
To Hakon, with a steel-clad band.
To man the Dane-work's rampart stout.
And keep the foreign foemen out."
The Emperor Otto came with his army from the
south to the Danish wall, but Earl Hakon defended
the rampart with his men. The Dane -work was con-
structed in this way : — Two fiords run into the land,
one on each side ; and in the farthest bight of these
fiords the Danes had made a great wall of stone,
turf, and timber, and dug a deep and broad ditch in
front of it, and had also built a castle over each gate
of it. There was a hard battle there, of which the
" Yellekla " speaks : —
^' Thick the storm of arrows flew.
Loud was the din, black was the view
Of close array of shield and spear
Of Vend, and Frank, and Saxon there.
But little recked our gallant men ;
And loud the cry might be heard then
Of Norway's brave sea-roving son —
' On 'gainst the foe ! on ! lead us on ! ' "
* Earl Hakon. Hordaland is often used for Norway by the scald.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 393
Earl Hakon drew up his people in ranks upon all the saga vi.
gate-towers of the wall, but the greater part of them
he kept marching along the wall to make a defence
wheresoever an attack was threatened. Many of the
emperor's people fell without making any impression
on the fortification, so the emperor turned back with-
out farther attempt at an assault on it. So it is said
in the " A^ellekla : "—
" They who the eagle's feast provide
In ranked line fought side by side,
'Gainst lines of war-men under shields
Close packed together on the fields.
Earl Hakon drives by daring deeds
These Saxons to their ocean-steeds ;
And the young hero saves from fall
The Danaverk — the people's wall."
After this battle Earl Hakon went back to his ships,
and intended to sail home to Norway; but he did not
get a favourable wind, and lay for some time outside
at Lymfiord.
The Emperor Otto turned back with his troops to Chapter
Sleswick, collected his ships of war, and crossed the King Ha-'
fiord of Sle* into Jutland. As soon as the Danish raid and
king heard of this he marched his army against him, Hakon are
and there was a battle, in which the emperor at last '^^p*^^-^^-
got the victory. The Danish king fled to Lymfiord,
and took refuge in the island Morsey. f By the
help of mediators who went between the king and the
emperor, a truce and a meeting between them were
agreed on. The Emperor Otto and the Danish king
met upon Mors Isle. There Bishop Poppo instructed
King Harald in the holy faith ; and thereafter King
Harald allowed himself to be baptized, and also the
whole Danish army. King Hakon, while he was in
Mors Isle, had sent a message to Hakon that he should
* The fiord now called Slie runs up to the town of Sleswick.
j" Morsey is now called Mors^ an island in the Lymfiord.
394 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. come to his succour ; and the earl had just reached
the island when the king had received baptism. The
king sends word to the earl to come to him, and
when they met the king forced the earl to allow him-
self also to be baptized. So Earl Hakon and all the
men who were with him were baptized ; and the king
gave them priests and other learned men with them,
and ordered that the earl should make all the people
in Norway be baptized. On that they separated;
and the earl went out to sea, there to wait for a
wind.
Chapter Whcu a wiud camc with which he thought he could
Earl Ha- get clcar out to sea, he put all the learned men on
kon re- shorc as^ain, and set off to the ocean ; but as the wind
nouncestne o i '
Christian camc rouud to south-west, and at last to west, he
plunders in sailcd castward, out through the sound *, ravaging
Gotland, -^j^e land on both sides. He then sailed eastward
along Scania, plundering the country wherever he
came. When he got east to the skerries of East
Gotland, he ran in and landed, and made a great
blood-sacrifice. There came two ravens flying which
croaked loudly ; and now, thought the earl, the blood-
offering has been accepted by Odin, and he thought
good luck would be Avith him any day he liked to go to
battle. Then he set fire to his ships, landed his men,
and went over all the country with armed hand. Earl
Ottar, who ruled over Gotland, came against him, and
they held a great battle with each other ; but Earl
Hakon gained the day, and Earl Ottar and a great part
of his men were killed. Earl Hakon now drove Avith
fire and sword over both the Gotland s, until he came
into Norway ; and then he proceeded by land all
the way north to Drontheim. The " Vellekla" tells
about this : —
* Eyrarsund is the sound betwixt Sealand and Sweden^ which is
still called Ore Sound by the Norwegians.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
395
" On the silent battle-field^ saga vi.
In viking garb^ with axe and shield,
The warrior, striding o'er the slain.
Asks of the gods ' What days will gain ? '
Two ravens, flying from the eastj
Come croaking to the bloody feast :
The warrior knows what they foreshow —
The days when Gotland blood will flow.
A viking-feast Earl Hakon kept,
The land with viking fury swept,
Harrying the land far from the shore
Where foray ne'er was known before.
Leaving the barren cold coast side.
He ranged through Gotland far and wide, —
Led many a gold-decked viking shield
O'er many a peaceful inland field.
Bodies on bodies Odin found
Heaped high upon each battle ground :
The moor, as if by witchcraft's power,
Grows green, enriched by bloody shower.
No wonder that the gods delight
To give such luck in every fight
To Hakon's men — for he restores
* Their temples on our Norway shores."
The Emperor Otto went back to his kin2:doni in Chapter
... XXIX
the Saxon land, and parted in friendship with the The Em-
Danish king;. It is said that the Emperor Otto stood p^/^^" ^"^
O ± returns
godfather to Swend, King Harald's son, and gave home.
him his name ; so that he was baptized Otto Swend. *
King Harald held fast by his Christianity to his dying
day.
King Burislaf went to Vendland, and his son-in-
law King 01 af went with him. This battle is re-
lated also by Halfred Vandr^edaskald in his song on
Olaf: —
^' He who through the foaming surges
His white-winged ocean-coursers urges.
Hewed from the Danes, in armour dressed.
The iron bark off" mail-clad breast."
Olaf Trvffo^vesson was three vears in Vendland Chapter
XXX
when Geyra his queen fell sick, and she died of her oiafs
journey
* This was Swend, or Swein, afterwards the conqueror of England,
and father of Canute the Great.
396 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. illness. Olaf felt his loss so great, that he had no
from Vend- plcasure ill Vendlaiid after it. He provided himself,
land. therefore, with war-ships, and went out again a plun-
dering, and plundered first in Friesland, next in Sax-
land, and then all the way to Flanders. So says
Halfred Yandr^edaskald : —
'' Olaf s broad axe of shining steel
For the shy wolf left many a meal.
The ill-shaped Saxon corpses lay
Heaped up, the witch- wife's horses'* prey.
She rides by night : at pools of blood,,
Where Friesland men in daylight stood.
Her horses slake their thirst, and fly
On to the field where Flemings lie.
The raven -friend in Odin's dress "j* —
Olaf, who foes can well repress.
Left Flemish flesh for many a meal
With his broad axe of shining steel."
xxx^ Thereafter Olaf Tryggvesson sailed to England,
King Olaf and ravaged wide around in the land. He sailed all
son?fo!^' the way north to Northumberland, where he plun-
rays. dered ; and thence to Scotland, where he marauded
far and wide. Then he went to the Hebrides, where
he fought some battles ; and then southwards to Man,
where he also fought. He ravaged far around in
Ireland, and thence steered to Bretland*, which he
laid waste with fire and sword, and also the district
called Cumberland. § He sailed westward from thence
to Yalland ||, and marauded there. When he left the
west, intending to sail to England, he came to the
islands called the Scilly Isles, lying westward from
* Ravens were the witches' horses.
f Odin's dress is full armour.
\ Bretland, the land of the Britons, or Wales.
§ Kumraland, or Cumberland ; but one of the MSS. of Snorro's
work appears to have Kauraland, which would rather indicate Corn-
wall, and would correspond better with Olaf 's voyage from Wales to
Valland.
II Valland is the west coast of France, from the Seine to the Loire.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
397
England in the ocean.
Thus tells Halfrecl Vandra3-
daskald of these events : —
SAGA VI.
" The brave young king, who ne'er retreats.
The Englishman in England beats.
Death through Northumberland is spread
From battleaxe and broad spear-head.
Through Scotland with his spears he rides ;
To Man his glancing ships he guides :
Feeding the wolves where'er he came.
The young king drove a bloody game.
The gallant bowman in the isles
Slew foemen, who lay heaped in piles.
The Irish fled at Olaf's name —
Fled from a young king seeking fame.
In Bretland, and in Cumberland,
People against him could not stand :
Thick on the fields their corpses lay,
To ravens and howling wolves a prey."
Olaf Tryggvesson had been four years on this cruise,
from the time he left Vendland till he came to the
Scilly Islands.
While Olaf Tryggvesson lay in the Scilly Isles he
heard of a seer, or fortune-teller, on the islands, who
could tell beforehand thinp-s not yet done, and what is baptized
he foretold many believed was really fulfilled. Olaf Sciiiy
became curious to try this man's gift of prophecy. He
therefore sent one of his men, who was the handsomest
and strongest, clothed him magnificently, and bade
him say he was the king ; for Olaf was known in all
countries as handsomer, stronger, and braver than all
others, although, after he had left Russia, he retained
no more of his name than that he was called Ola, and
was Russian. Now when the messenger came to the
fortune-teller, and gave himself out for the king, he
got the answer, " Thou art not the king, but I advise
thee to be faithful to thy king." And more he would
not say to that man. The man returned, and told
Olaf, and his desire to meet the fortune-teller was
increased ; and now he had no doubt of his being
really a fortune-teller. Olaf repaired himself to him,
Chapter
XXXII.
King Olaf
Islands.
398 CHRONICLE OF THE
sACxA VI. and, entering into conversation, asked him if he could
foresee how it would go with him with regard to his
kingdom, or of any other fortune he was to have.
The hermit replies in a holy spirit of prophecy,
" Thou wilt become a renowned king, and do cele-
brated deeds. Many men wilt thou bring to faith
and baptism, and both to thy own and others' good;
and that thou mayst have no doubt of the truth oi
this answer, listen to these tokens : When thou com est
to thy ships many of thy people will conspire against
thee, and then a battle will follow in which many of
thy men will fall, and thou wilt be wounded almost
to death, and carried upon a shield to thy ship ; yet
after seven days thou shalt be well of thy wounds,
and immediately thou shalt let thyself be baptized."
Soon after Olaf went down to his ships, where he met
some mutineers and people who would destroy him
and his men. A light took place, and the result was
what the hermit had predicted, that Olaf was wounded,
and carried upon a shield* to his ship, and that his
wound was healed in seven days. Then Olaf perceived
that the man had spoken truth, — that he was a true
fortune-teller, and had the gift of prophecy. Olaf
went once more to the hermit, and asked particularly
how he came to have such wisdom in foreseeing things
to be. The hermit replied, that the Christian's God
himself let him know all that he desired ; and he
brought before Olaf many great proofs of the power
of the Almighty. In consequence of this encourage-
ment Olaf agreed to let himself be baptized, and he
and all his followers were baptized forthwith. He
remained here a long time, took the true faith, and
got with him priests and other learned men.
* The shield of the Northmen appears to have been not the round,
but the narrow oblong shield. We read of the men sleeping under
their shields, and of being carried upon the shield when wounded. It
must have been long-shaped.
KINGS OF NORWAY. '^99
In autumn Olaf sailed from Scilly to England, saga^vi.
where lie put into a harbour, but proceeded in a Chapter
friendly way ; for England Avas Christian, and he oiaf mar- *
himself had become Christian. At this time a sum- ^^'^^ ^-^■'^^*
mons to a Thing went through the country, that all
men should come to hold a Thing. Now when the
Thing was assembled a queen called Gyda came to it,
a sister of Olaf Quaran, who was king of Dublin in
Ireland. She had been married to a great earl in
England, and after his death she was at the head of
his dominions. In her territory there was a man
called Aliin, who was a great champion and single-
combat man. He had paid his addresses to her ; but
she gave for answer, that she herself would choose
whom of the men in her dominions she would take in
marriage ; and on that account the Thing was assem-
bled, that she might choose a husband. Aliin came
there dressed out in his best clothes, and there were
many well-dressed men at the meeting. Olaf had
come there also ; but had on his bad-weather clothes,
and a coarse over-garment, and stood with his people
apart from the rest of the crowd. Gyda went round
and looked at each, to see if any appeared to her a
suitable man. Now when she came to where Olaf
stood she looked at him straight in the face, and asked
" what sort of man he was ?"
He said, " I am called Ola ; and I am a stranger
here."
Gyda replies, " Wilt thou have me if I choose
thee?"
'' I will not say no to that," answered he ; and he
asked what her name was, and her family, and de-
scent.
" I am called Gyda," said she; '' and am daughter
of the king of Ireland, and was married in this country
to an earl who ruled over this territory. Since his
death I have ruled over it, and many have courted
400
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
XXXIV.
King Olaf
and Alfin's
duel.
Chapter
XXXV.
King Olaf
gets his
dog Vige.
me, but none to whom I would choose to be mar-
ried."
She was a young and handsome woman. They
afterwards talked over the matter together, and
agreed, and Olaf and Gyda were betrothed.
Alfin was very ill pleased with this. It was the
custom then in England, if two strove for any thing,
to settle the matter by single combat * ; and now Alfin
challenges Olaf Tryggvesson to fight about this busi-
ness. The time and place for the combat were settled,
and that each should have twelve men with him.
When they met, Olaf told his men to do exactly as
they saw him do. He had a large axe ; and when
Alfin was going to cut at him with his sword he
hewed away the sword out of his hand, and with the
next blow struck down Alfin himself. He then bound
him fast. It went in the same way with all Alfin's
men. They were beaten down, bound, and carried
to Olaf's lodging. Thereupon he ordered Alfin to
quit the country, and never appear in it again ; and
Olaf took all his property. Olaf in this way got Gyda
in marriage, and lived sometimes in England, and
sometimes in Ireland.
While Olaf was in Ireland he was once on an expe-
dition which went by sea. As they required to make
a foray for provisions on the coast, some of his men
landed, and drove down a large herd of cattle to the
strand. Now a peasant came up, and entreated Olaf
to give him back the cows that belonged to him.
Olaf told him to take his cows, if he could distinguish
them ; "" but don't delay our march." The peasant
had with him a large house-dog, which he put in
among the herd of cattle, in which many hundred
head of beasts were driven together. The dog ran
into the herd, and drove out exactly the number
* Holm-gang ; so called because the combatants went to a holm or
uninhabited isle to fight in Norway.
KINGS OF NOmVAY. 401
which the peasant had said he wanted ; and all were saga vi.
marked with the same mark, which showed that the
dog knew the right beasts, and was very sagacious.
Olaf then asked the peasant if he would sell him the
dog. " I would rather give him to you," said the
peasant. Olaf immediately presented him with a
gold ring in return, and promised him his friendship
in future. This dog was called Vige, and was the
very best of dogs, and Olaf owned him long after-
wards.
The Danish kins^, Harald Gormson, heard that Earl Chai-ter
Ilakon had thrown off Christianity, and had plun- or Kino- *
dered far and wide in the Danish land. The Danish ^laraid
king levied an army, with which he went to Norway ; and his ox-
and when he came to the country which Earl Hakon a^fjI^sT
had to rule over he laid waste the whole land, and Iceland.
came with his fleet to some islands called Solen Isles.
Only five houses were left standing in Lerdal ; but
all the people fled up to the Fielde, and into the
forest, taking with them all the moveable goods they
could carry with them. Then the Danish king proposed
to sail with his fleet to Iceland, to avenge the mock-
cry and scorn all the Icelanders had shown towards
him ; for they had made a law in Iceland, that they
should make as many lampoons against the Danish
king as there were headlands in his country ; and the
reason was, because a vessel which belonged to cer-
tain Icelanders was stranded in Denmark, and the
Danes took all the property, and called it wreck. One
of the king's bailifl's called Birgir was to blame for
this ; but the lampoons were made against both. In
the lampoons were the following lines : —
*' The gallant Harald in the field
Between his legs lets drop his shield ;
Into a pony he was changed.
And kicked his shield, and safely ranged.
And Birgir, he who dwells in halls
For safety built with four stone walls, :
VOL. I. D D
492 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. That these might be a worthy pair,
Was changed into a pony mare."
Chapter Kin2f Harald told a warlock to hie to Iceland in
XXXVII
King Ha-* soHic altered shape, and to try what he could learn
raid sends ^j^^rc to tcU Mm : and he set out in the shape of a
a warlock J-
in a trans- whalc.* Aud whcH hc cauie near to the land he went
shape to to the west side of Iceland, north around the land,
Iceland. whcrc lic saw all the mountains and hills full of land-
serpents, some great, some small. When he came to
Yapnafiord he went in towards the land, intending
to go on shore ; but a huge dragon rushed down the
dale against him with a train of serpents, paddocks,
and toads, that blew poison towards him. Then he
turned to go westward around the land as far as Eya-
fiord, and he went into the fiord. Then a bird flew
against him, which was so great that its wings
stretched over the mountains on either side of the
fiord, and many birds, great and small, Avith it.
Then he swam farther west, and then south into
Breidafiord. When he came into the fiord a large
grey bull ran against him, wading into the sea, and
bellov/ing fearfully, and he was followed by a crowd
of land-serpents. From thence he went round by
Reikaness, and wanted to land at Vikarsted, but there
came down a hill-giant against him with an iron staff
in his hands. He was a head higher than the moun-
tains, and many other giants followed him. He then
swam eastward along the land, and there was nothing
to see, he said, but sand and vast deserts, and, with-
out the skerries, high-breaking surf; and the ocean
between the countries was so wide that a long-ship
could not cross it. At that time Brodhelge dwelt in
Vapnafiord, Eyolf Valgerdson in Eyafiord, Thord
Gellir in Breidafiord, and Thorard Gode in Olfus.
* It is probable that all this chapter is intended for satire on people
in the different localities of Iceland mentioned ; but we have not the
clew to the wit.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 403
Then the Danish kmg turned about with his fleet, saga vi
and sailed back to Denmark.
Hakon the earl settled habitations again in the
country that had been laid waste, and paid no scatt
as long as he lived to Denmark.
Swend, King Harald's son, who afterwards was Chapter
called Tweski^eg (forked beard), asked his father Haraia
King Harald for a part of his kingdom ; but now, "p«"nson's
as before, Harald would not listen to dividing
the Danish dominions, and giving him a kingdom.
Swend collected ships of war, and gave out that he was
going on a viking cruise ; but when all his men
were assembled, and the Jomsburg viking Palnatoke
had come to his assistance, he ran into Sealand to
Tsefiord, where his father had been for some time
with his ships ready to proceed on an expedition.
Swend instantly gave battle, and the combat Avas
severe. So many people flew to assist King Harald,
that Swend was overpowered by numbers, and fled.
But King Harald received a wound which ended in
his death : and Swend was chosen King of Denmark.
At this time Sigvald Avas earl over Jomsburg in
Yendland. He was a son of King Strut-Harald, who
had ruled over Scania. Heming, and Thorkel the
Tall, were Sigvald's brothers. Bue the Thick from
Bornholm, and Sigurd his brother, were also chiefs
among the Jomsburg vikings : and also Vagn, a son
of Aake and Thorgunna, and a sister's son of Bue and
Sigurd. Earl Sigvald had taken King Swend pri-
soner, and carried him to Vendland, to Jomsburo-,
where he had forced him to make peace with Buris-
laf, the king of the Vends, and to take him as the
peace-maker betAveen them. Earl Sigvald was mar-
ried to Astrid, a daughter of King Burislaf ; and told
King Swend that if he did not accept of his terms, he
Avould deliver him into the hands of the Vends.
The king knew that they Avould torture him to death,
DD 2
404 CHRONICLE OF THE
^AOA VI. and therefore agreed to accept the earl's mediation.
The earl delivered this judgment between them — that
King Swend should marry Gunhild, King Burislaf's
daughter ; and King Burislaf again Thyre, a daughter
of Harald, and King Swend's sister ; but that each
party should retain their own dominions, and there
should be peace between the countries. Then King
Swend returned home to Denmark with his wife Gun-
hild. Their sons were Harald and Knud (Canute)
the Great. At that time the Danes threatened much
to bring an army into Norway against Earl Hakon.
xxx7x King Swend made a magnificent feast, to which he
The solemn iuvitcd all the chiefs in his dominions ; for he would
Joms^burg E^^^ ^^^ succession-feast, or the heirship-ale, after
vikings. his father Harald. A short time before, Strut-Harald
in Scania, and Yesete in Bornholm, father to Bue the
Thick and to Sigurd, had died ; and King Swend sent
word to the Jomsburg vikings that Earl Sigvald,
and Bue, and their brothers, should come to him,
and drink the funeral-ale for their fathers in the same
feast the king was giving. The Jomsburg vikings
came to the festival with their bravest men, eleven
ships of them from Yendland, and twenty ships from
Scania. Great was the multitude of people as-
sembled. The first day of the feast, before King
Swend went up into his father's high seat, he drank
the bowl to his father's memory, and made the solemn
vow, that before three winters were past he would go
over with his army to England, and either kill King
Adalred (Ethelred), or chase him out of the country.
This heirship bowl all who were at the feast drank.
Thereafter for the chiefs of the Jomsburg vikings was
filled and drunk the largest horn to be found, and of
the strongest drink. When that bowl was emptied,
all men drank Christ's health; and again the fullest
measure and the strongest drink were handed to the
Jomsburg vikings. The third bowl was to the
KINGS OF NORWAY. > 405
memory*'of Saint Michael, which was drunk by all. saga vi.
Thereafter Earl Sigvald emptied a remembrance bowl
to his father's honour, and made the solemn vow, that
before three winters came to an end he would go
to Norway, and either kill Earl Hakon, or chase him
out of the country. Thereupon Thorkel the Tall,
his brother, made a solemn vow to follow his bro-
ther Sigvald to Norway, and not flinch from the
battle so long as Sigvald would fight there. Then
Bue the Thick vowed to follow them to Norwav, and
not flinch so long as the other Jomsburg vikings
fought. At last Vagn Aakeson vowed that he
would go with them to Norway, and not return un-
til he had slain Thorkeld Leire, and gone to bed to
his daughter Ingebord without her friends' consent.
Many other chiefs made solemn vows about difl'erent
things. Thus was the heirship-ale drunk that day ;
but the next morning, when the Jomsburg vikings
had slept ofl* their drink, they thought they had
spoken more than enough. They held a meeting to
consult how they should proceed with their under-
taking, and they determined to fit out as speedily as
possible for the expedition ; and without delay ships
and men-at-arms were prepared, and the news spread
quickly.
When Earl Eric, the son of Hakon, who at that Chapter
time was in Eaumarige, heard the tidings, he imme- ^^^\ ^[.-^^
diately gathered troops, and went to the Uplands, ^^^^ ^ari
and thence over the Fielde to Drontheim, and joined prepare a
his father Earl Hakon. Thord Kolbeinson speaks of "''^^ ^^^^'
this in the lay of Eric : —
" News from the south are flying round ;
The honder comes with look profound.
Bad news of bloody battles bringing.
Of steel-clad men, of weapons ringing.
I hear that in the Danish land
Long-sided ships slide down the strand.
And, floating with the rising tide.
The ocean- coursers soon will ride."
DD 3
406
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
XLI.
The expe-
dition of
the Joms-
biirg vi-
kings to
Norway.
The earls Hakon and Eric had war-arrows spUt
up and sent round the Drontheim country ; and de-
spatched messages to both the Mores, North More and
South More, and to Kaumsdal, and also north to
Naumadal and Halogaland. They summond all the
country to provide both men and ships. So it is said
in Eric's lay : —
" The scald must now a war-song raise, —
The gallant active youth must praise.
Who o'er the ocean's field spreads forth
Ships, cutters, boats, from the far north.
His mighty fleet comes sailing by, —
From headlands many a mast we spy :
The peopl^e run to see them glide,
Mast after mast, by the coast-side."
Earl Hakon set out immediately to the south, to
More, to reconnoitre and gather people ; and Earl
Eric gathered an army from the north to follow.
The Jomsburg vikings assembled their fleet in
Lymfiord, from whence they went to sea with sixty
sail of vessels. When they came under the coast of
Agde, they steered northwards to Rogaland with
their fleet, and began to plunder when they came
into the earl's territory; and so they sailed north
along the coast, plundering and burning. A man,
by name Geirmund, sailed in a light boat with a few
men northwards to More, and there he fell in with
Earl Hakon, stood before his dinner table, and told
the earl the tidings of an army from Denmark having
come to the south end of the land. The earl asked
if he had any certainty of it. Then Geirmund
stretched forth one arm, from which the hand was
cut off, and said, " Here is the token that the enemy
is in the land." Then the earl questioned him parti-
cularly about this army. Geirmund says it consists
of Jomsburg vikings, who have killed many people,
and plundered all around. " And hastily and hotly
they pushed on," says he, " and I expect it will not
KINGS OF NORWAY. 407
be long before they are upon you." On this the saga vi.
earl rowed into every fiord, going in along the one
side of the land and out at the other, collecting men ;
and thus he drove along night and day. He sent
spies out upon the upper ridges, and also southwards
into the Fiords ; and he proceeded north to meet Eric
with his men. This appears from Ericas lay : —
" The earl, well skilled in war to speed
O'er the wild wave the viking-steed.
Now launched the high stems from the shore,
Wliich death to Sigvald's vikings bore.
Rollers beneath the ships' keels crash.
Oar-blades loud in the grey sea splash,
And they who give the ravens food
Row fearless through the curling flood."
Eric hastened southwards with his forces the
shortest way he could.
Earl Sigvald steered with his fleet northwards CnAi-TEa
around Stad, and came to the land at Hero Island, onhe^^
Although the vikings fell in with the country people, Jo'^sburg
the people never told the truth about what the earl tiK'lr exr'
was doing ; and the vikings went on pillaging and p^^i^^o"-
laying waste. They laid to their vessels at the outer
end of Had Island, landed, plundered, and drove both
men and cattle down to the ships, killing all the men
able to bear arms.
As they were going back to their ships, came a
bonder, walking near to Bue's troop, who said to
them, " Ye are not doing like true warriors, to be
driving cows and calves down to the strand, while ye
should be giving chase to the bear, since ye are com-
ing near to the bear's den."
'' What says the old man ?" asked some. " Can he
tell us any thing about Earl Hakon?"
The peasant replies, " The earl went yesterday
into the Horundar fiord with one or two ships, cer-
tainly not more than three, and then he had no news
about you."
D D 4
408 CHEONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. Bue ran now with his people in all haste down to
the ships, leaving all the booty behind. Bue said,
" Let us avail ourselves now of this news we have got
of the earl, and be the first to the victory." When
they came to their ships they rowed off from the land.
Earl Sigvald called to them, and asked what they
were about. They replied, " The earl is in the fiord;"
on which Earl Sigvald with the whole fleet set oif,
and rowed north about the island Had.
CHATTEa The earls Hakon and Eric lay in Halkelswick,
xLiii. ^yi^gpg r^ll their forces were assembled. They had
of the battle 150 ships, aud they had heard that the Jomsburg
jo.nsburg vikings had come in from sea, and lay at the island
vikings. Had; and they, in consequence, rowed out to seek
them. When they reached a place called Hiorunga-
vaag they met each other, and both sides dreAV up
their ships in line for an attack. Earl Sigvald' s ban-
ner was displayed in the midst of his army, and right
against it Earl Hakon arranged his force for attack.
Earl Sigvald himself had 20 ships, but Earl Hakon
had 60. In Earl Hakon's army were these chiefs, —
Thorer Hiort from Halogaland, and Styrkar from
Gimsar. In the wing of the opposite array of the
Jomsburg vikings was Bue the Thick, and his brother
Sigurd, with 20 ships. Against him Earl Eric laid
himself with 60 ships; and with him were these chiefs,
— Gudbrand Huite from the Uplands, and Thorkill
Leire from Viken. In the other wing of the Joms-
burg vikings' array was Yagn Aakeson with 20 ships ;
and against him stood Swend the son of Hakon, in
whose division was Skiegge of Yria at Uphaug, and
Rognvald of Arvig at Stad, with 60 ships. It is told
in the Eric's lay thus ; —
" The bonders' ships along the coast
Sailed on to meet the foemen's host ;
Tlie stout earl's ships, with eagle flight.
Rushed on the Danes in bloody fight.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 409
The Danish ships, of court-men full, saga vi.
Were cleared of men, — and many a hull
Was driving empty on the main,
With the warm corpses of the slain."
Eyvind Skaldaspiller says also in the " Haleygia-tal : "
" 'Twas at the peep of day, —
Our brave earl led the way ;
His ocean-horses bounding —
His war-horns loudly sounding !
No joyful morn arose
For Yngve Frey's base foes : *
These Christian island-men
Wished themselves home again."
Then the fleets came together, and one of the
sharpest of conflicts began. Many fell on both sides,
but the most by far on Hakon's side ; for the Joms-
burg vikings fought desperately, sharply, and mur-
derously, and shot right through the shields. So
many spears were thrown against Earl Hakon that
his armour was altogether split asunder, and he threw
it off. So says Finn Halkelson : —
" The ring-linked coat of strongest mail
Could not withstand the iron hail.
Though sewed with care and elbow bent,
By Noma"]*, on its strength intent.
The fire of battle raged round, —
Odin's steel shirt flew all unbound !
The earl his ring-mail from him flung.
Its steel rings on the wet deck rung ;
Part of it fell into the sea, —
A part was kept, a proof to be
How sharp and thick the arrow-flight
Among the sea- steeds in this fight."
The Jomsburo^ vikin^fs had larerer and his^her-sided Chapter
• XIIV
ships ; and both parties fought desperately. Vagn e^,.i si.rl
* The Danes, being Christians, were particularly obnoxious to the
heathen Norsemen and the scald.
•j" Noma, one of the Fates, stands here for women, whose business
it was to sew the rings of iron upon the cloth which made these ring-
mail coats or shirts. Some of these may be seen in the Museum of
Northern Antiquities at Copenhagen. The needles, although some of
them were of gold, appear to have been without eyes, and used like
shoemakers' awls.
val(l'.s
flight.
410 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. Aakeson laid his ship on board of Swend Earl Hakon's
son's ship, and Swend allowed his ship to give way,
and was on the point of flying. Then Earl Eric
came up, and laid his ship alongside of Yagn, and
then Vagn gave way, and the ships came to lie in the
same position as before. Thereupon Eric goes to the
other wing, which had gone back a little, and Bue had
cut the ropes, intending to pursue them. Then Eric
laid himself, board to board, alongside of Bue's ship,
and there was a severe combat hand to hand. Two
or three of Eric's ships then laid themselves upon
Bue's single vessel. A thunder-storm came on at
this moment, and such a heavy hail-storm that every
hailstone weighed a pennyweight.* The Earl Sig-
vald cut his cable, turned his ship round, and took
flight. Vagn Aakeson called to him not to fly ; but
as Earl Sigvald paid no attention to what he said,
Vagn threw his spear at him, and hit the man at the
helm. Earl Sigvald rowed away with 35 ships, leav-
ino* 25 of his fleet behind.
Chapter Thcu Earl Hakou laid his ship on the other side of
XL V .
BueDigre Buc's sMp, and uow came heavy blows on Bue's men.
throws^ Vigfus, a son of Yigaglum, took up an anvil with a
overboard, sharp cud, which lay upon the deck, and on which a
man had welded the hilt to his sword just before, and
being a very strong man cast the anvil with both hands
at the head of Aslaf Holmskalle, and the end of it
went into his brains. Before this no weapon could
wound this Aslaf, who was Bue's foster-father, and
forecastle commander, although he could wound right
and left. Another man among the strongest and
bravest was Haavardf Hogvande. In this attack
Eric's men boarded Bue's ship, and went aft to the
* Eyri, a piece of money (ore); equal to an ounce weight.
■j" This name Havard or Haavard, common among the Northmen,
appears to be the English name Howard, and left by them in North-
umberland and East Anglia.
KINGS OF NOEWAY. 411
quarter-deck where Bue stood. There Thorstein sagaji.
Midlang cut at Bue across his nose, so that the nose-
piece of his helmet was cut in two, and he got a great
wound ; but Bue, in turn, cut at Thorstein' s side, so
that the sword cut the man through. Then Bue
lifted up two chests full of gold, and called aloud,
'' Overboard all Bue's men," and threw himself over-
board with his two chests. Many of his people sprang
overboard with him. Some fell in the ship, for it
was of no use to call for quarter. Bue's ship was
cleared of people from stem to stern, and afterwards
all the others, the one after the other.
Earl Eric then laid himself alon2:side of Vam's Chapter
. X I V I
ship, and there was a brave defence ; but at last this The
ship too was cleared, and Vae^n and thirty men were Jomsburg
taken prisoners, and bound, and brought to land, bound to-
Then came up Thorkel Leire, and said, " Thou madest onVchain.
a solemn vow, Yagn, to kill me ; but now it seems
more likely that I will kill thee." Yagn and his men
sat all upon a log of wood together. Thorkel had an
axe in his hands, with which he cut at him who sat
outmost on the log. Vagn and the other prisoners
were bound so that a rope was fastened on their feet,
but they had their hands free. One of them said,
" I will stick this iish-bone that I have in my hand
into the earth, if it be so that I know any thing, after
my head is cut off." His head was cut off, but the
fish-bone fell from his hand. There sat also a very
handsome man with long hair, who twisted his hair
over his head, put out his neck, and said, " Don't
make my hair bloody." A man took the hair in his
hands and held it fast. Thorkel hewed with his axe;
but the viking twitched his head so strongly that he
who was holding his hair fell forwards, and the axe
cut off both his hands, and stuck fast in the earth.
Then Earl Eric came up, and asked, " Who is that
handsome man ?"
412 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. He replies, " I am called Sigurd, and am Bue's son.
But are all the Jomsburg vikings dead?"
Eric says, ^' Thou art certainly Bue's son. Wilt
thou now take life and peace ?"
" That depends," says he, " upon who it is that
offers it."
" He offers who has the power to do it — Earl Eric."
" That will I," says he, " from his hands." And
now the rope was loosened from him.
Then said Thorkel Leire, '' Although thou should
give all these men life and peace, earl, Yagn Aakeson
shall never come from this with life." And he ran
at him mth uplifted axe ; but the viking Skarde
swung himself in the rope, and let himself fall just
before Thorkel's feet, so that Thorkel fell over him,
and Yagn caught the axe and gave Thorkel a death-
wound. Then said the earl, " Vagn, wilt thou accept
life?"
" That I will," says he, " if you give it to all
of us."
*' Loose them from the roj^e," said the earl; and
it was done. Eighteen were killed, and twelve got
their lives.
^'"^viT Earl Hakon, and many with him, were sitting upon
Death of a piece of wood, and a bow-string twanged from Bue's
Valders!^ ship, and the arrow struck Gissur from Yalders, who
was sitting next the earl, and was clothed splendidly.
Thereupon the people went on board, and found
Haavard Hogvande standing on his knees at the ship's
railing, for his feet had been cut off*, and he had a
bow in his hand. When they came on board the ship
Haavard asked, '* Who fell by that shaft ?"
They answered, '' A man called Gissur. "
* This traditionary tale of a warrior fighting on his knees after his
legs] were cut off^ appears to have been a popular idea among the
Northmen, and is related by their descendants in the ballad of Chevy
Chase.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
413
^' Then my luck was less than I thought," said he. saoavi.
'' Great enough was the misfortune," replied they;
'' but thou shalt not make it greater." And they
killed him on the spot.
The dead were then ransacked, and the booty
brought all together to be divided ; and there were
twenty-five ships of the Jomsburg vikings in the
booty. So says Finn Halkelson : —
'' Many a viking's body lay
Dead on the deck this bloody day.
Before they cut their sun-dried ropes.
And in quick flight put all their hopes.
He whom the ravens know afar
Cleared five-and-twenty ships of war :
A proof that in the furious fight
None can withstand the Norsemen's might."
Then the army dispersed. Earl Hakon went to
Drontheim, and was much displeased that Earl Eric
had given quarter to Vagn Aakeson. It was said that
at this battle Earl Hakon had sacrificed for victory
his son, young Erling, to the gods; and instantly
came the hail-storm, and the defeat and slaughter of
the Jomsburg vikings.
Earl Eric went to the Uplands, and eastward by
that route to his own kingdom, taking Aakeson with
him. Earl Eric married Yagn to Ingebiorg, a daugh-
ter of Thorkel Leire, and gave him a good ship of war
and all belonging to it, and a crew ; and they parted
the best of friends. Then Yagn went home south
to Denmark, and became afterwards a man of great
consideration, and many great people are descended
from him.
Harald Graenske, as before related, was kino- in chapter
Westfold, and was married to Aasta, a daughter of ^-^J^^^'
Gudbrand Kule. One summer Harald Graenske made Haraid *
an expedition to the Baltic to gather property, and ^4^".'''^'^
he came to Sweden. Olaf Swenske was king there
a son of Eric the Victorious, and Sigrid, a daughter of
Skoglar Toste. Sigrid was then a widow, and had
414 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA vr. many and great estates in Sweden. When she heard
that her foster-brother was come to the country a
short distance from her, she sent men to him to invite
him to a feast. He did not neglect the invitation,
but came to her with a great attendance of his fol-
lowers, and was received in the most friendly way.
He and the queen sat in the high seat, and drank
together towards the evening, and all his men were
entertained in the most hospitable manner. At night,
when the king went to rest, a bed was put up for him
wdth a hanging of fine linen around it, and with costly
bed-clothes ; but in the lodging-house there were few
men. When the king was undressed, and had gone
to bed, the queen came to him, filled a bowl herself
for him to drink, and was very gay, and pressed him
to drink. The king was drunk above measure, and,
indeed, so were they both. Then he* slept, and the
queen Avent away, and laid herself down also. Sigrid
was a woman of the greatest understanding, and too
clever in many things. In the morning there was
also the most excellent entertainment; but then it
went on as usual when people have drunk too much,
that next day they take care not to exceed. The
queen was very gay, and she and the king talked of
many things with each other; among other things
she valued her property, and the dominions she had in
Sweden, as nothing less than his kingdom and pro-
perty in Norway. With that observation the king
was nowise pleased ; and he found no pleasure in any
thing after that, but made himself ready for his jour-
ney in an ill humour. On the other hand, the queen
was remarkably gay, and made him many presents,
and followed him out to the road. Now Harald re-
turned about harvest to Norway, and was at home
all winter ; but was very silent, and cast-down. In
summer he went once more to the Baltic with his
ships, and steered to Sweden. He sent a message to
KINGS OF NORWAY. 415
Queen Sigrid that he wished to have a meeting with sagaj^i.
her, and she rode down to meet him. They talked
together, and he soon brought out the proposal that
she should marry him. She replied, that this was
foolish talk for him, who was so. well married already
that he might think himself well off. Harald says,
" Aasta is a good and clever woman ; but she is not
so well born as I am.'^ Sigrid replies, " It may be
that thou art of higher birth, but I think she is now
pregnant with both your fortunes." * They exchanged
but few words more before the queen rode away.
King Harald was always dull in apprehension, and
prepared himself again to ride up the country to meet
Queen Sigrid. Many of his people dissuaded him;
but nevertheless he set off mth a great attendance,
and came to the house in which the queen dwelt.
The same evening came another king, called Visavald,
from Russia, likewise to pay his addresses to Queen
Sigrid. Lodging was given to both the kings, and
to all their people, in a great old room of an outbuild-
ing, and all the furniture was of the same character ;
but there was no want of drink in the evening, and
that so strong that all were drunk, and the watch,
both inside and outside, fell fast asleep. Then Queen
Sigrid ordered an attack on them in the night, both
with fire and sword. The house was burnt, with all
who were in it, and those who slipped out were put
to the sword. Sigrid said that she would make these
small kings tired of coming to court her. She was
afterwards called Sigrid the Haughty.
This happened the winter after the battle of the Chapter
Jomsburg vikings at Hiorunga Yaag. When Harald Birth of '
went up the country after Sigrid, he left Rane behind ^^"s 9!^^'
with the ships to look after the men. Now when Haraid "^
Rane heard that Harald was cut off, he returned to ^'■^"^^^•
* This refers to Saint Olaf, Aasta's son by Harald.
4lG CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. Norway the shortest way he could, and told the news.
He repaired first to Aasta, and related to her all that
had happened on the journey, and also on what errand
Harald had visited Queen Sigrid. When Aasta got
these tidings she set off directly to her father to the
Uplands, who received her well; but both were en-
raged at the design which had been laid in Sweden,
and that King Harald had intended to set her in
a single condition. In summer Aasta, Gudbrand's
daughter, was confined, and had a boy-child, who had
water poured over him, and was called Olaf. Rane
himself poured water over him, and the child was
brought up at first in the house of Gudbrand and his
mother Aasta.
CiiAPTEa Earl Hakon ruled over the whole outer part of Nor-
AboutEaii way that lies on the sea, and had thus sixteen districts
iiakoii. under his sway. The arrangement introduced by Ha-
rald Haarfager, that there should be an earl in each
district, was afterward continued for a long time ;
and thus Earl Hakon had sixteen earls under him.
So says the " Yellekla : " —
" Who before has ever known
Sixteen earls subdued by one ?
Who has seen all Norway's land
Conquered by one brave hero's hand ?
It will be long in memory held.
How Hakon ruled by sword and shield.
When tales at the viking's mast go round^
His praise will every mouth resound."
While Earl Hakon ruled over Norway there were
good crops in the land, and peace was well preserved
in the country among the bonders. The earl, for
the greater part of his lifetime, was therefore much
beloved by the bonders ; but it happened, in the
longer course of time, that the earl became very in-
temperate in his intercourse with women, and even
carried it so far that he made the daughters of people
of consideration be carried away, and brought home
KINGS OF NORWAY. 417
to him ; and after keeping them a week or two as saga vi.
concubines, he sent them home. He drew upon him-
self the indignation of the relations of these girls ;
and the bonders began to murmur loudly, as the
Prontheim people have the custom of doing when
any thing goes against their judgment.
Earl Hakon, in the mean time, hears some whisper Chapter
that to the westward, over the North sea, was a man Thorer
called Ole, who was looked upon as a king. From Kiakke's
the conversation of some people, he fell upon the discover
suspicion that he must be of the royal race of Nor- ^^,^U^^^'
way. It was, indeed, said that this Ole was from
Russia ; but the earl had heard that Tryggve Olafs-
son had had a son called Olaf, who in his infancy had
gone east to Russia, and had been brought up by
King Yaldemar. The earl had carefully inquired
about this man, and had his suspicion that he must
be the same person who had now come to these
western countries. The earl had a very good friend
called Thorer Klakke, who had been long upon vik-
ing expeditions, — sometimes also upon merchant
voyages; so that he was well acquainted all around.
This Thorer Earl Hakon sends over the North sea, and
told him to make a merchant voyage to Dublin, as
many were in the habit of doing, and carefully to
discover who this Ole was. Provided he got any
certainty that he was Olaf Tryggvesson, or any other
of the Norwegian royal race, then Thorer should
endeavour to ensnare him by some deceit, and bring
him into the earl's power.
On this Thorer sails westward to Ireland, and Chapter
hears that Ole is in Dublin with his wife's father oiaf^Xrvg-
King Olaf Quaran. Thorer, who was a plausible gvesson'
man, immediately got acquainted with Ole ; and as Norway,
they often met, and had long conversations together,
Ole began to inquire about news from Norway, and
above all of the Upland kings and great people, —
VOL. I. E E
418 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA vf. which of them were in life, and what dominions they
now had. He asked also about Earl Hakon, and if
he was much liked in the country. Thorer replies,
that the earl is such a powerful man that no one dares
to speak otherwise than he would like; but that
comes from there being nobody else in the country to
look to. " Yet, to say the truth, I know it to be the
mind of many brave men, and of whole communities,
that they would much rather see a king of Harald
Haarfager's race come to the kingdom. But we
know of no one suited for this, especially now that it
is proved how vain every attack on Earl Hakon must
be." As they often talked together in the same
strain, Ole disclosed to Thorer his name and family,
and asked him his opinion, and whether he thought
the bonders would take him for their king if he were
to appear in Norway. Thorer encouraged him very
eagerly to the enterprise, and praised him and his
talents highly. Then Olaf's inclination to go to the
heritage of his ancestors became strong. Olaf sailed
accordingly, accompanied by Thorer, with five ships ;
first to the Ebudes ^, and from thence to the Ork-
neys. At that time Earl Sigurd, Lodver's son, lay in
Osmundswall f, in the island South Ronaldsa, with
a ship of war, on his way to Caithness. Just at the
same time Olaf was sailing with his fleet from the west-
ward to the islands, and ran into the same harbour,
because Pentland Firth was not to be passed at that
tide. When the king was informed the earl was
* Pinkerton proves with great learning that Hebrides is a name
arising from an error in printing or transcribing, the Hebudes being
the true name — the Eybode, or island habitations. Sudreya, or South
Isles, is the saga name of the Hebudes, from their situation relatively
to Iceland, Faero, Orkney, and other islands under the dominion of
Norway. This name is still preserved in the title of the bishop, — viz.
Sodor and Man.
•f Osmundswall is the name of a harbour in the island of Walls,
opposite to South Ronaldsa, still used for waiting a tide favourable for
crossing Pentland Firth.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 419
there, he made him be called ; and when the earl came saga vi.
on board to speak with the king, after a few words
only had passed between them, the king says the
earl must allow himself to be baptized, and all the
people of the country also, or he should be put to
death directly ; and he assured the earl he would lay
waste the islands with fire and sword, if the people
did not adopt Christianity. In the position the earl
found himself, he preferred becoming Christian, and
he and all who were with him were baptized. After-
wards the earl took an oath to the king, went into
his service, and gave him his son, whose name was
Whelp, or Dog, as an hostage; and the king took
Whelp to Norway with him. Thereafter Olaf went
out to sea to the eastward, and made the land at
Moster Island, where he first touched the ground of
Norway. He had high mass sung in a tent, and
afterwards on the spot a church was built. Thorer
Klakke said now to the king, that the best plan for him
would be not to make it known who he was, or to
let any report about him get abroad ; but to seek out
Earl Hakon as fast as possible, and fall upon him by
surprise. King Olaf did so, sailing northward day and
night, when wind permitted, and did not let the people
of the country know who it was that was sailing in
such haste. When he came north to Agdaness*, he
heard that the earl was in the fiord, and was in discord
with the bonders. On hearing this, Thorer saw that
things were going in a very different way from what
he expected ; for after the battle with the Jomsburg
vikings all men in Norway were the most sincere
friends of the earl on account of the victory he had
gained, and of the peace and security he had given
to the country ; and now it unfortunately turns out
* Agdaness, the south point of the mouth of Drontheim fiord.
E E 2
420 CHRONICLE OF THE
sAGAji. that a great chief has come to the country at a time
when the bonders are in arms against the earl.
Chapter Earl Hakon was at a feast in Melhouse in Guldal.
Earl Ha- Thcrc was a powerful bonder, by name Orm Lyrgia,
kon's flight. ^]^Q dwelt in Boness, who had a wife called Gudrun,
a daughter of Bergthor of Lunde. She was called
the Lunde-sun ; for she was the most beautiful of
women. The earl sent his slaves to Orm, with the
errand that they should bring Orm's wife, Gudrun,
to the earl. The thralls tell their errand, and Orm
bids them first seat themselves to breakfast; but be-
fore they had done eating, many people from the
neighbourhood, to whom Orm had sent notice, had
gathered together : and now Orm declared he would
not send Gudrun with the messengers. Gudrun
told the thralls to tell the earl that she would not
come to him, unless he sent Thora of Rimol after
her. Thora was a woman of great influence, and
one of the earl's best beloved. The thralls say that
they will come another time, and both the bonder
and his wife would be made to repent of it ; and they
departed with many threats. Orm, on the other
hand, sent out a message-token to all the neighbour-
ing country, and with it the message to attack Earl
Hakon with weapons and kill him. He sent also a
message to Haldor in Skirdingsted, who also sent out
his message-token. A short time before, the earl
had taken away the wife of a man called Bryniolf,
and there had very nearly been an insurrection about
that business. Having now again got this message-
token, the people made a general revolt, and set out
all to Melhouse. When the earl heard of this, he left
the house with his followers, and concealed himself
in a deep glen, now called Earl's Dale. Later in the
day, the earl got news of the bonders' army. They
had beset all the roads ; but believed the earl had
escaped to his ships, which his son Erlend, a re-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 421
markably handsome and hopeful young man, had the saga vi.
command of. When night came the earl dispersed
his people, and ordered them to go through the forest
roads into Orkadal ; " for nobody mil molest you,'^
said he, '' when I am not with you. Send a message
to Erlend to sail out of the fiord, and meet me in
More. In the mean time I will conceal myself from
the bonders." Then the earl went his way with one
thrall or slave, called Karker, attending him. There
was ice upon the river of Guldal, and the earl drove his
horse upon it, and left his coat lying upon the ice.
They then went to a hole, since called the EarFs
Hole, where they slept. When Karker awoke he told
his dream, — that a black threatening man had come
into the hole, and was angry that people should
have entered it; and that the man had said, " Ulle is
dead." The earl said that his son Erlend must be
killed. Karker slept again, and was again disturbed
in his sleep ; and when he awoke he told his dream, —
that the same man had again appeared to him, and
bade him tell the earl that all the Sounds were closed.
From this dream the earl began to suspect that it
betokened a short life to him. They stood up, and
went to the house of Rimol. The earl now sends
Karker to Thora, and begs of her to come secretly to
him. She did so, and he took it very kind of her,
and begged her to conceal him for a few nights un-
til the army of the bonders had dispersed. " Here
about my house," said she, " you will be hunted after,
both inside and outside ; for many know that I would
willingly help you if I can. There is but one place
about the house where they could never expect to
find such a man as you, and that is the swine-stye."
When they came there the earl said, '' Well, let it be
made ready for us ; as to save our life is the first and
foremost concern." The slave dug a great hole in it,
bore away the earth that he dug out, and laid wood
E E 3
422
CHRONICLE OF THE
Chapter
LIV.
Erlcnd's
death.
SAGA VI. over it. Thora brought the tidings to the earl that
Olaf Tryggvesson had come from sea into the fiord,
and had killed his son Erlend. Then the earl and
Karker both went in the hole. Thora covered it
Tvith wood, and threw earth and dung over it, and
drove the swine upon the top of it. The swine-stye
was under a great stone.
Olaf Tryggvesson came from sea into the fiord with
five long-ships, and Erlend, Earl Hakon's son, rowed
towards him with three ships. When the vessels
came near to each other, Erlend suspected they might
be enemies, and turned towards the land. When Olaf
and his followers saw long-ships coming in haste out
of the fiord, and rowing towards them, they thought
Earl Hakon must be here ; and they put out all oars
to follow them. As soon as Erlend and his ships got
near the land they rowed aground instantly, jumped
overboard, and took to the land ; but at the same
instant Olaf 's ship came up with them. Olaf saw a
remarkably handsome man swimming in the water,
and laid hold of a tiller and threw it at him. The
tiller struck Erlend, the son of Hakon the earl, on
the head, and clove it to the brain ; and there left
Erlend his life. Olaf and his people killed many ;
but some escaped, and some were made prisoners, and
got life and freedom that they might go and tell what
had happened. They learned then that the bonders
had driven away Earl Hakon, and that he had fled,
and his troops were all dispersed.
The bonders then met Olaf, to the joy of both, and
they made an agreement together. The bonders took
kon's death. Olaf to bc their king, and resolved, one and all, to
seek out Earl Hakon. They went up Guldal ; for it
seemed to them likely that if the earl was concealed
in any house it must be at Rimol, for Thora was his
dearest friend in that valley. They come up, there-
fore, and search every where, outside and inside the
Chapte
LV.
Earl Ha
KINGS OF NORWAY. 423
house, but could not find him. Then Olaf held a saga vi.
House Thing or council out in the yard, and stood
upon a great stone which lay beside the swine-stye,
and made a speech to the people, in which he promised
to enrich the man with rewards and honours who
should kill the earl. This speech was heard by the
earl and the thrall Karker. There was a little day-
light admitted to them.
" Why art thou so pale," says the earl, '' and now
again black as earth? Thou hast not the intention
to betray me ?"
" By no means," replies Karker.
" We were born on the same night," says the earl,
" and the time will be short between our deaths."
King Olaf went away in the evening. When night
came the earl kept himself awake ; but Karker slept,
and was disturbed in his sleep. The earl woke him,
and asked him " what he was dreaming of?"
He answered, " I was at Lade, and Olaf Tryggves-
son was laying a gold ring about my neck."
The earl says, " It will be a red ring Olaf will lay
about thy neck if he catches thee. Take care of that !
From me thou shalt enjoy all that is good, therefore
betray me not."
They then kept themselves awake both ; the one,
as it were, watching upon the other. But towards
day the earl suddenly dropped asleep ; but his sleep
was so unquiet that he drew his heels under him, and
raised his neck, as if going to rise, and screamed
dreadfully high. On this Karker, dreadfully alarmed,
drew a large knife out of his belt, stuck it in the
earFs throat, and cut it across, and killed Earl Hakon.
Then Karker cut off the earl's head, and ran aAvay.
Late in the day he came to Lade, where he delivered
the earl's head to King Olaf, and told all these cir-
cumstances of his own and Earl Hakon's doings.
Olaf had him taken out and beheaded.
E E 4 "
424
CHRONICLE OF THE
Chapter
LVf.
Earl Ha-
kon's head.
SAGA vr. King Olaf, and a vast number of bonders witb him,
then went out to Nidarholm*, and had Avith them the
heads of Earl Hakon and Karker. This holm was
used then for a place of execution of thieves and ill-
doers, and there stood a gallows on it. He had the
heads of the earl and of Karker hung upon it, and
the whole army of the bonders cast stones at them,
screaming and shouting that the one worthless fellow
had followed the other. They then sent up to Guldal
for the earl's dead body. So great was the enmity
of the Drontheim people against Earl Hakon, that no
man could venture to call him by any other name than
Hakon the Bad ; and he was so called long after those
days. Yet, sooth to say of Earl Hakon, he was in
many respects fitted to be a chief: first, because he
was descended from a high race ; then because he had
understanding and knowledge to direct a government ;
also manly courage in battle to gain victories, and
good luck in killing his enemies. So says Thorleif
Randfeldson : —
'^ In Norway's land was never known
A braver earl than the brave Hakon.
At sea, beneath the clear moon's light.
No braver man e'er sought the fight.
Nine kings to Odin's wide domain
Were sent, by Hakon's right hand slain !
So well the raven-flocks were fed —
So well the wolves were filled with dead !
Chapter
LVII.
Olaf Tryg-
gvesson.
elected
Earl Hakon was very generous ; but the greatest
misfortunes attended even such a chief at the end of
his days: and the great cause of this was that the
time was come when heathen sacrifices and idolatrous
worship were doomed to fall, and the holy faith and
good customs to come in their place.
Olaf Tryggvesson was chosen at Drontheim by the
General Thing to be the king over the whole country,
as Harald Haarfager had been. The whole public
Now Munkholm, opposite to the town of Drontheim.
KINGS OF NORWAY. ^ 425
and the people throughout all the land would listen saga vi.
to nothing else than that Olaf Tryggvesson should be king at a
king. Then Olaf went round the whole country, and xMnT*
brought it under his rule, and all the people of Norway
gave in their submission ; and also the chiefs in the
Uplands and in Viken, who before had held their
lands as iiefs from the Danish king, now became King
Olaf 's men, and held their lands from him. He went
thus through the whole country during the first winter
and the following summer. Earl Eric, the son of
Earl Hakon, his brother Swend, and their friends and
relations, fled out of the country, and went east to
Sweden to King Olaf the Swede, who gave them a
good reception. So says Thord Kolbeinsson : —
^' O thou whom bad men drove away,
After the bonders_, by foul play,
Took Hakon's life ! Fate will pursue
These bloody wolves, and make them rue.
When the host came from out the West,
Like some tall stately war-ship's mast^
I saw the son of Tryggve stand.
Surveying proud his native land."
And again, —
'^ Eric has more upon his mind.
Against the new Norse king designed.
Than by his words he seems to show - —
And truly it may well be so.
Stubborn and stiff are Droniheim men.
But Drontheim's earl may come again ;
In Swedish land he knows no rest —
Fierce wrath is gathering in his breast."
Lodin was the name of a man from Viken who Chapter
was rich and of good family. He went often on Lodin's
merchant voyages, and sometimes on viking cruises.
It happened one summer that he went on a merchant
voyage with much merchandise in a ship of his own.
Pie directed his course first to Esthonia, and was
there at a market in summer. To the place at which
the market was held many merchant goods were
brought, and also many thralls or slaves for sale.
marnaffe.
426 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. There Lodin saw a woman who was to be sold as a
slave; and on looking at her he knew her to be As-
trid, Eric's daughter, who had been married to King
Tryggve. But now she was altogether unlike what
she had been when he last saw her ; for now she was
pale, meagre in countenance, and ill clad. He went
up to her, and asked her how matters stood with her.
She replied, " It is heavy to be told ; for I have been
sold as a slave, and now again I am brought here for
sale." After speaking together a little Astrid knew him,
and begged him to buy her, and bring her home to her
friends. " On this condition," said he, " I will bring
thee home to Norway, — that thou wilt marry me.*'
Now as Astrid stood in great need, and moreover
knew that Lodin was a man of high birth, rich, and
brave, she promised to do so for her ransom. Lodin
accordingly bought Astrid, took her home to Norway
with him, and married her with her friends' consent.
Their children were Thorkel Nefia, Ingerid, and
Ingegird. Ingeborg and Astrid were daughters of
Astrid by King Tryggve. Eric Biodaskalle's sons
were Sigurd Karlshoved, Jostein, and Thorkel Dydnil,
who were all rich and brave people who had estates
east in the country. In Viken, in the east, dwelt
two brothers, rich and of good descent ; one called
Thorgeir, and the other Hyrning ; and they married
Lodin and Astrid's daughters, Ingerid and Ingegird.
CiiAiTEa When Harald Gormson, kiner of Denmark, had
LIX ... ' o 7
King oiaf adoptcd Christianity, he sent a message over all his
countT^o'r kingdom that all people should be baptized, and con-
viken. verted to the true faith. He himself followed his
message, and used power and violence where nothing
else would do. He sent two earls, Urguthriot and
Brimilskior, with many people to Norway, to proclaim
Christianity there. In Viken, which stood directly
under the king's power, this succeeded, and many
were baptized of the country folk. But when Swend
KINGS OF NORWAY. 427
Forked-beard, immediately after his father King saga vi.
Harald's death, went out on war expeditions in Saxon-
land, Friesland, and at last in England, the North-
men who had taken up Christianity returned back to
heathen sacrifices, just as before ; and the people in
the north of the country did the same. But now
that Olaf Tryggvesson was king of Norway, he re-
mained long during the summer in Viken, where
many of his relatives and some of his brothers-in-
law were settled, and also many who had been great
friends of his father ; so that he was received with the
greatest aiFection. Olaf called together his mother's
brothers, his stepfather Lodin, and his brothers-in-law
Thorgeir and Hyrning, to speak with them, and to dis-
close with the greatest care the business which he de-
sired they themselves should approve of, and support
-with all their power ; namely, the proclaiming Chris-
tianity over all his kingdom. He would, he declared,
either bring it to this, that all Norway should be
Christian, or die. " I shall make you all,'^ said he,
'' great and mighty men in promoting this work ; for I
trust to you most, as blood relations or brothers-in-
law." All agreed to do what he asked, and to follow
him in what he desired. King Olaf immediately made
it known to the public that he recommended Christianity
to all the people in his kingdom, which message was
well received and approved of by those who had before
given him their promise ; and these being the most
powerful among the people assembled, the others fol-
lowed their example, and all the inhabitants of the east
part of Yiken allowed themselves to be baptized. The
king then went to the north part of Viken, and invited
every man to accept Christianity ; and those who op-
posed him he punished severely, killing some, muti-
lating others, and driving some into banishment. At
length he brought it so far, that all the kingdom
which his father King Try ggve had ruled over, and
428
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chaptkh
LX.
Of the
Hordaland
people.
Chapter
LXI.
Rogaland
baptized.
also that of his relation Harald Graenske, accepted of
Christianity; and during that summer and the fol-
lowing winter all Yiken was made Christian.
Early in spring King Olaf set out from Yiken -with
a great force northwards to Agder, and proclaimed that
every man should be baptized. And thus the people re-
ceived Christianity, for nobody dared oppose the king's
will, wheresoever he came. In Hordaland, however,
were many bold and great men of Horde-Kaari's race.
He, namely, had left four sons, — the first Thorleif
Spaake ; the second, Ogmund father of Thorolf Skialg,
who was father of Erling of Sole ; the third was
Thord, father of the Herse Klyp who killed King
Sieve Gunhild's son; and lastly, Olmod father of
Askel, whose son was Aslak Fitiaskalle; and that
family branch was the greatest and most considered
in Hordaland. Now when this family heard the
bad tidings, that the king was coming along the coun-
try from the eastward with a great force, and was
breaking the ancient law of the people, and imposing
punishment and hard conditions on all who opposed
him, the relatives appointed a meeting to take coun-
sel with each other, for they knew the king would
come down upon them at once ; and they all resolved
to appear in force at the Gula Thing, there to hold a
conference with King Olaf Tryggvesson.
When King Olaf came to Rogaland, he immediately
summoned the people to a Thing ; and when the
bonders received the message-token for a Thing,
they assembled in great numbers well armed. After
they had come together, they resolved to choose three
men, the best speakers of the whole, who should
answer King Olaf, and argue with the king ; and
especially should decline to accept of any thing against
the old law, even if the king should require it of them.
Now when the bonders came to tlie Thing, and tlie
Thing was formed. King Olaf arose, and at first spoke
good-huraouredly to the people ; but they observed
KINGS OF NORWAY. 429
he wanted them to accept Christianity, with all his saga vi.
fine words : and in the conclusion he let them know
that those who should speak against him, and not
submit to his proposal, must expect his displeasure
and punishment, and all the ill that it was in his
power to inflict. When he had ended his speech, one
of the bonders stood up, who was considered the most
eloquent, and who had been chosen as the first who
should reply to King Olaf. But when he would begin
to speak such a cough seized him, and such a difliculty
of breathing, that he could not bring out a word, and
had to sit down again. Then another bonder stood
up, resolved not to let an answer be wanting, although
it had gone so ill with the former ; but he became so
confused that he could not find a word to say, and all
present set up a laughter, amid which the bonder sat
down again. And now the third stood up to make a
speech against King Olaf 's ; but when he began he
became so hoarse and husky in his throat, that nobody
could hear a word he said, and he also had to sit
do^vn. There was none of the bonders now to speak
against the king, and as nobody an severed him there
was no opposition ; and it came to this, that all agreed
to what the king had proposed. All the people of
the Thing accordingly were baptized before the Thing
was dissolved.
King Olaf went with his men-at-arms to the Gula Chapter
Thing ; for the bonders had sent him word that they Eiiing
would reply there to his speech. When both parties s'^'f'ss-
had come to the Thing, the king desired first to have a wooing,
conference with the chief people of the country ; and
when the meeting was numerous the king set forth
his errand, — that he desired them, according to his
proposal, to allow themselves to be baptized. Then
said Olmod the Old, " We relations have considered
together this matter, and have come to one resolution.
If thou thinkest, king, to force us who are related
430
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. together to such thmgs as to break our old law, or to
bring us under thyself by any sort of violence, then
will we stand against thee with all our might : and be
the victory to him to whom fate ordains it. But if
thou, king, wilt advance our relations' fortunes, then
thou shalt have leave to do as thou desires t, and we
will all serve thee with zeal in thy purpose."
The king replies, " What do ye propose for obtain-
ing this agreement ? "
Then answers Olmod, " The first is, that thou wilt
give thy sister Astrid in marriage to Erling Skialgs-
son, our relation, whom we look upon as the most
hopeful young man in all Norway."
King Olaf replied, that this marriage appeared to
him also very suitable ; "as Erling is a man of good
birth, and a good-looking man in appearance: but
Astrid herself must answer to this proposal."
Thereupon the king spoke to his sister. She said,
" It is but of little use that I am a king's sister, and
a king's daughter, if I must marry a man who has no
high dignity or office. I will rather wait a few years
for a better match."
Chapter Kino* Olaf took a falcou that belono-ed to Astrid,
LXIII . .
Hordaiand pluckcd off all its fcathcrs, and then sent it to her.
baptized. Xhcu Said Astrid, " Angry is my brother." And she
stood up, and went to the king, who received her
kindly ; and she said, that she left it to the king to
determine her marriage. " I think," said the king,
" that I must have power enough in this land to raise
any man I please to high dignity." Then the king
ordered Olmod and Erling to be called to a conference,
and all their relations ; and the marriage was deter-
mined upon, and Astrid betrothed to Erling. There-
after the king held the Thing, and recommended
Christianity to the bonders ; and as Olmod, and Erling,
and all their relations, took upon themselves the most
active part in forwarding the king's desire, nobody
KINGS OF NORWAY. 431
dared to speak against it ; and all the people were saga vi.
baptized, and adopted Christianity.
Erling Skialgsson held his wedding in summer, and Chapter
LXIV.
g
a great many people were assembled at it. King Olaf y.^y^^^
was also there, and offered Erline: an earldom. Erliner skiaigs-
soil's w6n~
replied thus: "All my relations have been hersers ding,
only, and I will take no higher title than they have ;
but this I will accept from thee, king, that thou
makest me the greatest of that title in the country."
The king consented ; and at his departure the king
invested his brother-in-law Erling with all the land
north of the Sogn fiord, and east to the Lidandisness *,
on the same terms as Harald Haarfager had given
land to his sons, as before related.
The same harvest King Olaf summoned the bonders Chapter
to a Thing of the four districts at Drogseid, in Stad ; Di^tHcTs of
and there the people from Sogn, the Eiord district, ^^^"^
South More, and Kaumsdal, were summoned to meet. Fiords
King Olaf came there with a great many people who ^^""J"*'^^^-
had followed him from the eastward, and also with
those who had joined him from Rogaland and Horda-
land. When the king came to the Thing, he proposed
to them there, as elsewhere, Christianity ; and as the
king had such a powerful host with him, they were
frightened. The king offered them two conditions,
— either to accept Christianity, or to fight. But the
bonders saw they were in no condition to fight the
king, and resolved, therefore, that all the people should
agree to be baptized. The king proceeded afterwards
to North More, and baptized all that district. He then
sailed to Lade, in Drontheim ; had the temple there
rased to the ground ; took all the ornaments and all
property out of the temple, and from the gods in it ;
and among other things the great gold ring which
* The Naze of Norway is called Lindisness and Lidandisness in the
saga.
432
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI,
Chapter
LXVI.
King Olaf
proposes
inarriage
to Queen
Sigrid the
Haughty.
Earl Hakon had ordered to be made, and which hung
in the door of the temple ; and then had the temple
burnt. But when the bonders heard of this, they
sent out a war-arrow as a token through the whole
district, ordering out a warlike force, and intended to
meet the king with it.
In the mean time King Olaf
out of the Fiord along the
sailed with a war-force
coast northward, intending to proceed to Halogaland,
and baptize there. When he came north to the Bear
Islands, he heard from Halogaland that a force was
assembled there to defend the country against the
king. The chiefs of this force Avere Harek of Thiotto,
Thorer Hiort from Yaage, and Ey vind Kinnreif. Now
when King Olaf heard this, he turned about and
sailed southwards along the land ; and when he got
south of Stad proceeded at his leisure, and came early
in winter all the way east to Viken.
Queen Sigrid in Sweden, who had for surname the
Haughty, sat in her mansion, and during the same
winter messengers went between King Olaf and Sigrid
to propose his courtship to her, and she had no objec-
tion ; and the matter was fully and fast resolved upon.
Thereupon King Olaf sent to Queen Sigrid the great
gold ring he had taken from the temple door of Lade,
which was considered a distinguished ornament. The
meeting for concluding the business was appointed
to be in spring on the frontier, at the Gotha river.
Now the ring which King Olaf had sent Queen Sigrid
was highly prized by all men ; yet the queen's gold-
smiths, two brothers, who took the ring in their hands,
and weighed it, spoke quietly to each other about it,
and in a manner that made the queen call them to her,
and ask "what they smiled at?" But they would
not say a word, and she commanded them to say what
it was they had discovered. Then they said the ring
is false. Upon this she ordered the ring to be broken
in pieces, and it was found to be copper inside. Then
KINGS OF NORWAY. 433
the queen was enraged, and said that Olaf would saga vi.
deceive her in more Avays than this one. In the same
year King Olaf went into Ringarike, and there the
people also were baptized.
Aasta, the daughter of Gudbrand, soon after the Chapter
fall of Harald Gra^nske married again a man who oiafHa-
was called Sigurd Syr, Avho w^as a king in Ringarike. "^'^^^i^^}
Sigurd was a son of Halfdan, and grandson of Sigurd
Rise, who was a son of Harald Haarfager. Olaf, the
son of Aasta and Harald Graenske, lived with Aasta,
and was brought up from childhood in the house of his
stepfather, Sigurd Syr. Now when King Olaf Tryg-
gvesson came to Ringarike to spread Christianity,
Sigurd Syr and his wife allowed themselves to be
baptized, along with Olaf her son ; and Olaf Tryg-
gvesson was godfather to Olaf, the stepson of Harald
Grsenske. Olaf was then three years old. King
Olaf returned from thence to Yiken, where he
remained all winter. He had now been three years
king in Norway.
Early in spring King Olaf went eastwards to Chapter
Konghelle to the meeting with Queen Sigrid ; and Meetini^'
when they met the business was considered about of King
which the mnter before they had held communication, sigrid the
namely, their marriage ; and the business seemed likely Kon^heiif
to be concluded. But when Olaf insisted that Sigrid
should let herself be baptized, she answered thus ; —
"■ I must not part from the faith which I have held,
and my forefathers before me ; and, on the other hand,
I shall make no objection to your believing in the god
that pleases you best." Then King Olaf was enraged,
and answered in a passion, " Why should I care to
have thee, an old faded woman, and a heathen jade ? "
and therewith struck her in the face with his glove
which he held in his hands, rose up, and they parted.
Sigrid said, " This may some day be thy death." The
king set off to Yiken, the queen to Sweden.
VOL. I. F F
434
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
LXIX.
The burn-
ing of war-
locks.
Chapter
LXX.
Eyvind
Kellda's
death.
Then the king proceeded to Viken, and held a Thing,
at which he declared in a speech that all the men of
whom it should be known to a certainty that they dealt
with evil spirits, or in witchcraft, or were sorcerers,
should be banished forth of the land. Thereafter the
king had all the neighbourhood ransacked after such
people, and called them all before him; and when
they were brought to the Thing there was a man
among them called Eyvind Kellda, a grandson of
Rognvald Rettilbein, Harald Haarfager's son. Eyvind
was a sorcerer, and particularly knowing in witch-
craft. The king let all these men be seated in one
room, which was well adorned, and made a great feast
for them, and gave them strong drink in plenty. Now
when they were all very drunk, he ordered the house
to be set on fire, and it and all the people within it
were consumed, all but Eyvind Kellda, who contrived
to escape by the smoke-hole in the roof. And when
he had got a long way off, he met some people on the
road going to the king, and he told them to tell the
king that Eyvind Kellda had slipped away from the
fire, and would never come again in King Olaf 's power,
but would carry on his arts of witchcraft as much as
ever. When the people came to the king with such a
message from Eyvind, the king was ill pleased that
Eyvind had escaped death.
When spring came King Olaf went out to Yiken,
and was on visits to his great farms. He sent notice
over all Yiken that he would call out an army in
summer, and proceed to the north parts of the coun-
try. Then he went north to Agder; and when
Easter was approaching he took the road to Roga-
land with 300 men, and came on Easter evening
north to Augvaldsness, in Kormt Island, where an
Easter feast was prepared for him. That same night
came Eyvind Kellda to the island with a well-manned
long-ship, of which the whole crew consisted of sor-
KINGS OF NORWAY. 435
cerers, and other dealers with evil spirits. Eyvind saga vi.
went from his ship to the land with his followers, and
there they played many of their pranks of witchcraft.
Eyvind clothed them with caps of darkness, and so
thick a mist that the king and his men could see
nothing of them ; but when they came near to the
house of Augvaldsness, it became clear day. Then
it went differently from what Eyvind had intended ;
for now there came just such a darkness over him
and his comrades in witchcraft as they had made
before, so that they could see no more from their eyes
than from the back of their heads, but went round
and round in a circle upon the island. When the
king's watchmen saw them going about, without
knowing what people these were, they told the king.
Thereupon he rose up with his people, put on his
clothes, and when he saw Eyvind mth his men
wandering about he ordered his men to arm, and
examine what folk these were. The king's men dis-
covered it was Eyvind, took him and all his company
prisoners, and brought them to the king. Eyvind
now told all he had done on his journey. Then the
king ordered them all to be taken out to a skerry
which was under water in flood tide, and there to
be left bound. Eyvind and all with him left their
lives on this rock, and the skerry is still called the
Skerry of Shrieks.
It is related that once on a time King Olaf was at Chapter
a feast at this Augvaldsness, and one eventide there of King
came to him an old man very erifted in words, and S'f^^f"^
Ouin s nxi-
with a broad-brimmed hat upon his head. He was parition.
one-eyed, and had something to tell of every land.
He entered into conversation with the king; and as
the king found much pleasure in the guest's speech,
he asked him concerning many things, to which the
guest gave good answers : and the Idng sat up late in
the evening. Among other things, the king asked
F F 2
436
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
LXXIL
The Thing
in Dron-
theim.
him if he knew who the Augvald had been who had
given his name both to the ness and to the house.
The guest repHed, that this Augvald was a king, and
a very valiant man, and that he made great sacrifices
to a cow which he had with him wherever he went,
and considered it good for his health to drink her
milk. This same King Augvald had a battle with a
king called Yarin, in which battle Augvald fell. He
was buried under a mound close to the house; " and
there stands his stone over him, and close to it his
cow also is laid." Such and many other things, and
ancient events, the king inquired after. Now, when
the king had sat late into the night, the bishop re-
minded him that it was time to go to bed, and the
king did so. But after the king was undressed, and
had laid himself in bed, the guest sat upon the foot-
stool before the bed, and still spoke long mth the
king ; for after one tale was ended, he still wanted a
new one. Then the bishop observed to the king, it
was time to go to sleep, and the king did so ; and the
guest went out. Soon after the king awoke, asked
for the guest, and ordered him to be called ; but the
guest was not to be found. The morning after, the
king ordered his cook and cellar-master to be called,
and asked if any strange person had been with them.
They said, that as they were making ready the meat
a man came to them, and observed that they were
cooking very poor meat for the king's table ; where-
upon he gave them two thick and fat pieces of beef,
which they boiled with the rest of the meat. Then
the king ordered that all the meat should be thrown
away, and said this man can be no other than the
Odin whom the heathen have so long worshipped ;
and added, " but Odin shall not deceive us."
King Olaf collected a great army in the east of the
country towards summer, and sailed with it north to
Nidaros in the Drontheim country. From thence he
KINGS OF NORWAY. 437
sent a message-token over all the fiord, calling the peo- saga vl
pie of eight diiFerent districts to a Thing ; but the bon-
ders changed the Thing-token into a war-token, and
called together all men, free and unfree*, in all the
Drontheim land. Now when the king met the Thing,
the whole people came fully armed. After the Thing
was seated, the king spoke, and invited them to adopt
Christianity; but he had only spoken a short time
when the bonders called out to him to be silent, or
they would attack him and drive him away. " We did
so," said they, " with Hakon foster- son of Athelstan,
when he brought us the same message, and we held
him in quite as much respect as we hold thee." When
King Olaf saw how incensed the bonders were, and
that they had such a war force that he could make
no resistance, he turned his speech as if he would
give way to the bonders, and said, '' I wish only to
be in a good understanding with you as of old; and
I will come to where ye hold your greatest sacrifice-
festival, and see your customs, and thereafter we
shall consider which to hold by." And in this all
agreed ; and as the king spoke mildly and friendly
with the bonders, their anger was appeased, and their
conference with the king went ofi" peacefully. At the
close of it a midsummer sacrifice was fixed to take
place in Mseref , and all chiefs and great bonders were
to attend it as usual. The king was to be at it.
* '^ Thegn oc Thrael " is the expression in the Icelandic text ; and
the term Thegn or Thane occurs rarely, if at all^ in any other passage
of the early sagas. Bonde, it is evident, was a word applied only to
landowners; and to this general meeting all men of the highest and of
the lowest class, and not merely the men having right as bonders to sit
in the Law Things, were summoned by the bonders. Thegn has been
a more comprehensive term than Bonde, and means here a free proprie-
tor of any kind of property. The bonders or landed proprietors only
are spoken of at Law Things, and no mention of thegns is made at
Things, or on any other occasion.
t At Maere, the site of the ancient temple in the Drontheim district,
a large mound still remains with the name Maere.
F F 3
438
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI,
Chatter
LXXIII.
Of
Skiffigge,
or Iron
Beard.
Chapter
LXXIV.
The feast
at Lade.
There was a great bonder called Skiaegge, and some-
times Iron Ski^gge, or Iron Beard, who dwelt in
Ophaug in Yriar. He spoke first at the Thing to
Olaf ; and was the foremost man of the bonders in
speaking against Christianity. The Thing was con-
cluded in this way for that time, — the bonders re-
turned home, and the king went to Lade.
King Olaf lay with his ships in the river Nid, and
had thirty vessels, which were manned with many
brave people ; but the king himself was often at Lade
with his court attendants. As the time now was
approaching at which the sacrifices should be made
at Maere, the king prepared a great feast at Lade, and
sent a message to the districts of Strind, Guladal,
and out to Orkadal, to invite the chiefs and other
great bonders. When the feast was ready, and the
chiefs assembled, there was a handsome entertain-
ment the first evening, at which plenty of liquor
went round, and the guests were made very drunk.
The night after they all slept in peace. The follow-
ing morning, when the king was dressed, he had the
early mass sung before him ; and when the mass was
over, ordered to sound the trumpets for a House
Thing : upon which all his men left the ships to come
up to the Thing. When the Thing was seated, the
king stood up, and spoke thus : — '' We held a Thing
at Froste, and there I invited the bonders to allow
themselves to be baptized; but they, on the other
hand, invited me to offer sacrifice to their gods, as
King Hakon, Athelstan's foster- son, had done ; and
thereafter it was agreed upon between us that we
should meet at ]\fere, and there make a great sacri-
fice. Now if I, along with you, shall turn again to
making sacrifice, then will I make the greatest of
sacrifices that are in use ; and I will sacrifice men.
But I will not select slaves or malefactors for this,
but will take the greatest men only to be offered
KINGS OF NORWAY. 439
to the gods ; and for this I select Orni Lyrgia of saga vi.
Medalhouse, Styrkar of Gimsar, Kaare of Gryting,
Asbiorn Thorbergson of Varness, Orm of Lyra, Hal-
dor of Skirdingstedia ;" and besides these he named
five others of the principal men. All these, he said,
he would offer in sacrifice to the gods for peace and
a fruitful season; and ordered them to be laid hold of
immediately. Now when the bonders saw that they
were not strong enough to make head against the
king, they asked for peace, and submitted wholly to
the king's pleasure. So it was settled that all the bon-
ders who had come there should be baptized, and should
take an oath to the king to hold by the right faith,
and to renounce sacrifice to the gods. The king then
kept all these men as hostages who came to his feast,
until they sent him their sons, brothers, or other
near relations.
King Olaf went in with all his forces into the Chapter
Drontheim country; and when he came to Maere all of the
among the chiefs of the Drontheim people who were cronthJim.
most opposed to Christianity were assembled, and
had with them all the great bonders who had be-
fore made sacrifice at that place. There was thus
a greater multitude of bonders than there had been
at the Froste Thing. Now the king let the people be
summoned to the Thing, where both parties met
armed; and when the Thing was seated the king
made a speech, in which he told the people to go over
to Christianity. Jernskiaegge replies on the part of
bonders, and says that the will of the bonders is now,
as formerly, that the king should not break their laws.
" We want, king," said he, " that thou shouldst ofi*er
sacrifice, as other kings before thee have done."
All the bonders applauded his speech with a loud
shout, and said they would have all things according
to Avhat Skiasgge said. Then the king said he would
go into the temple of their gods with them, and see
F F 4
440 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. what the practices were when they sacrificed. The
bonders thought well of this proceeding, and both
parties went to the temple.
Chapter Now King Olaf cntcrcd into the temple with some
Th^D^n- f^^ ^^ ^^^ men and a few bonders ; and when the
theim king came to where their gods were, Thor, as the
peop e ap- ^^^^ coHsidcrcd among their gods, sat there adorned
with gold and silver. The king lifted up his gold-
inlaid axe which he carried in his hands, and struck
Thor so that the image rolled down from its seat.
Then the king's men turned to and threw down
all the gods from their seats ; and while the king
was in the temple, JernskiaBgge was killed outside of
the temple doors, and the king's men did it. When
the king came forth out of the temple he offered
the bonders two conditions, — that all should accept of
Christianity forthwith, or that they should fight with
him. But as SkiaBgge was killed, there was no leader
in the bonders' army to raise the banner against King
Olaf ; so they took the other condition, to surrender
to the king's will and obey his order. Then King
Olaf had all the people present baptized, and took
hostages from them for their remaining true to
Christianity; and he sent his men round to every
district, and no man in the Dron theim country op-
posed Christianity, but all people took baptism.
Chapter King Olaf witli hls pcoplc wcut out to Nidaros,
Ofthl^ ^^^ made houses on the flat side of the river Nid,
building of which lic raiscd to be a merchant town, and gave
in the people ground to build houses upon. The king's
Sun"tr^'^"" house hc had built just opposite the ships' creek; and
he transported to it, in harvest, all that was necessary
for his winter residence, and had many people about
him there.
Chapter King Olaf appointed a meeting with the relations
Kingoiaf's ^^ JcrnskioGgge, and offered them the compensation
niarriage. or penalty for his bloodshed; for there were many
KINGS OF NORWAY. 441
bold men who had an interest in that business, saga vi.
Jernskiaegge had a daughter called Gudrun ; and at
last it was agreed upon between the parties that the
king should take her in marriage. When the wedding-
day came King Olaf and Gudrun went to bed toge-
ther. As soon as Gudrun, the first night they lay
together, thought the king was asleep, she drew a
knife, with which she intended to run him through ;
but the king saw it, took the knife from her, got out
of bed, and went to his men, and told them what had
happened. Gudrun also took her clothes, and went
away along with all her men who had followed her
thither. Gudrun never came into the king's bed
again.
The same autumn Kins: Olaf laid the keel of a s:reat Chapter
. . LXXIX
long-ship out on the strand at the river Nid. It was Building
a snsekke*; and he employed many carpenters upon ^f the ship
her, so that early in winter the vessel was ready. It
had thirty benches for rowers, was high in stem and
stern, but was not broad. The king called this ship
the Crane. After Jernskiaegge' s death his body was
carried toYriar, and lies there in the SkiaBgge mound
on Osteraad.
When King; Olaf Try2:o:vesson had been two years Chapter
king of Norway, there was a Saxon priest in his house xhang-
who was called Thangbrand, a passionate, ungovern- ^^?"^ *^^
able man, and a great man-slayer ; but he was a good to Iceland,
scholar, and a clever man. The king would not have
him in his house upon account of his misdeeds ; but
gave him the errand to go to Iceland, and bring that
land to the Christian faith. The king gave him a
merchant vessel ; and, as far as we know of this voyage
* A snsekke appears to have been a denomination of one class of long-
ships or ships of war. The word snek is still used in the north of
Scotland for quick, nimble; and the word snekka probably denoted the
qualities we understand by a cutter or fast vessel. A dragon appears to
have been applied to a heavier class of ships of war. The ships of
burden, last-ships, appear to have been built on a different model.
442
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
LXXXl.
Of Sigurd
and Hauk.
Chaptkr
LXXXII.
Of Harek
of Thiotto.
of his, he landed first in Iceland at Ostfiord, in the
southern Alftafiord, and passed the winter in the
house of Hall of Sidu. Thangbrand proclaimed Chris-
tianity in Iceland, and on his persuasion Hall and
all his house-people, and many other chiefs, allowed
themselves to be baptized ; but there were many more
who spoke against it. Thorvald Yeile and Veterhd
the scald composed a satire about Thangbrand; but
he killed them both outright. Thangbrand was two
years in Iceland, and was the death of three men
before he left it.
There was a man called Sigurd, and another called
Hauk, both of Halogaland, who often made merchant
voyages. One summer they had made a voyage
westward to England ; and when they came back to
Norway they sailed northwards along the coast, and
at North More they met King Olaf 's people. When it
was told the king that some Halogaland people were
come who were heathen, he ordered the steersmen to
be brought to him, and he asked them if they would
consent to be baptized ; to which they replied, no.
The king spoke with them in many ways, but to no
purpose. He then threatened them with death and
torture ; but they would not allow themselves to be
moved. He then had them laid in irons, and kept
them in chains in his house for some time, and often
conversed with them, but in vain. At last one night
they disappeared, without any man being able to con-
jecture how they got away. But about harvest they
came north to Harek of Thiotto, who received them
kindly, and with whom they stopped all winter, and
Avere hospitably entertained.
It happened one good-weather day in spring that
Harek was at home in his house with only few people,
and time hung heavy on his hands. Sigurd asked
him if he would row a little for amusement. Harek
was willing ; and they went to the shore, and drew
KINGS OF NORWAY. 443
down a six-oared skiiF; and Sigurd took the mast sagavi.
and rigging belonging to the boat out of the boat-
house, for they often used to sail when they went for
amusement on the water. Harek went out into the
boat to hang the rudder. The brothers Sigurd and
Hauk, who were very strong men, were fully armed,
as they were used to go about at home among the
peasants. Before they went out to the boat they
threw into her some butter-kits and a bread-chest,
and carried between them a great keg of ale. When
they had rowed a short way from the island the bro-
thers hoisted the sail, while Harek was seated at the
helm ; and they sailed away from the island. Then
the two brothers went aft to where Harek the bonder
was sitting ; and Sigurd says to him, '' Now thou
must choose one of these conditions, — first, that we
brothers direct this voyage ; or, if not, that we bind thee
fast and take the command; or, third, that we kill thee."
Harek saw how matters stood with him. As a single
man, he was not better than one of those brothers,
even if he had been as well armed ; so it appeared to
him wisest to let them determine the course to steer,
and bound himself by oath to abide by this condition.
On this Sigurd took the helm, and steered south along
the land, the brothers taking particular care that they
did not encounter people. The wind was very favour-
able ; and they held on sailing along until they came
south to Drontheim and to Nidaros, where they found
the king. Then the king called Harek to him, and in
a conference desired him to be baptized. Harek made
objections; and although the king and Harek talked
over it many times, sometimes in the presence of other
people, and sometimes alone, they could not agree
upon it. At last the king says to Harek, " Now thou
mayst return home, and I will do thee no injury;
partly because we are related together, and partly
that thou mayst not have it to say that I caught thee
444
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
LXXXIII.
Eyvind
Kinnrif's
death.
by a trick: but know for certain that I intend to
come north next summer to visit you Halogalanders,
and ye shall then see if I am not able to punish those
who reject Christianity." Harek was well pleased to
get away as fast as he could. King Olaf gave Harek
a good boat of ten or twelve pair of oars, and let it
be fitted out with the best of every thing needful;
and besides he gave Harek thirty men, all lads of
mettle, and well appointed.
Harek of Thiotto went away from the town as fast
as he could ; but Hauk and Sigurd remained in the
king's house, and both took baptism. Harek pursued
his voyage until he came to Thiotto. He sent imme-
diately a message to his friend Eyvind Kinnrif, with
the word that he had been with King Olaf; but would
not let himself be cowed down to accept Christianity.
The message at the same time informed him that
King Olaf intended coming to the north in summer
against them, and they must be at their posts to de-
fend themselves ; it also begged Eyvind to come and
visit him, the sooner the better. When this message
was delivered to Eyvind, he saw how very necessary
it was to devise some counsel to avoid falling into the
king's ha.nds. He set out, therefore, in a light vessel
with a few hands as fast as he could. AYhen he
came to Thiotto he was received by Harek in the
most friendly way, and they immediately entered into
conversation with each other behind the house. When
they had spoken together but a short time. King Olaf 's
men, who had secretly followed Harek to the north,
came up, and took Eyvind prisoner, and carried him
away to their ship. They did not halt on their voyage
until they came to Drontheim, and presented them-
selves to King Olaf at Nidaros. Then Eyvind was
brought up to a conference with the king, who asked
him to allow himself to be baptized, like other people ;
but Eyvind decidedly answered he would not. The
KINGS OF NORWAY. 445
king still, with persuasive words, urged him to accept saga vi.
Christianity, and both he and the bishop used many-
suitable arguments ; but Eyvind would not allow him-
self to be moved. The king offered him gifts and
great fiefs, but Eyvind refused all. Then the king
threatened him with tortures and death, but Eyvind
was steadfast. Then the king ordered a pan of glowing
coals to be placed upon Eyvind' s belly, which burst
asunder. Eyvind cried, " Take away the pan, and I
will say something before I die," which also was done.
The king said, " Wilt thou now, Eyvind, believe in
Christ?" " No," said Eyvind, '' I can take no bap-
tism ; for I am an evil spirit put into a man's body by
Lapland sorcery, because in no other way could my
father and mother have a child." With that died
Eyvind, who had been one of the greatest sorcerers.
The spring after King Olaf fitted out and manned Chapter
his ships, and commanded himself his ship the Crane. Haioga-
He had many and smart people with him ; and when ^^"^. ™^^^
hew as ready, he sailed northwards with his fleet past
Byrd Isle, and to Halogaland. Wheresoever he came
to the land, or to the islands, he held a Thing, and
told the people to accept the right faith, and to be
baptized. No man dared to say any thing against it,
and the whole country he passed through was made
Christian. King Olaf was a guest in the house of
Harek of Thiotto, who was baptized with all his
people. At parting the king gave Harek good pre-
sents ; and he entered into the king's service, and got
fiefs, and the privileges of lendsman from the king.
There was a bonder, by name Raud the Stron^^, who Chapter
dwelt in Godo Isle in Salten fiord. Raud was a very xhorer
rich man, who had many house servants ; and likewise Hiort's
was a powerful man, who had many Laplanders in
his service when he wanted them. Raud was a great
idolater, and very skilful in witchcraft, and was a
great friend of Thorer Hiort, before spoken of. Both
446 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. were great chiefs. Now when they heard that King
Olaf was coming with a great force from the south
to Halogalancl, they gathered together an army, or-
dered out ships, and they too had a great force on
foot. Raud had a large ship, with a gilded head
formed like a dragon, which ship had thirty rowing
benches, and even for that kind of ship was very
large. Thorer Hiort had also a large ship. These
men sailed southwards with their ships against King
Olaf, and as soon as they met gave gattle. A great
battle there was, and a great fall of men ; but prin-
cipally on the side of the Halogalanders, whose ships
were cleared of men, so that a great terror came upon
them. Raud rowed with his dragon out to sea, and
set sail. Raud had always a fair wind wheresoever
he wished to sail, which came from his arts of witch-
craft ; and, to make a short story, he came home to
Godo Isle. Thorer Hiort fled from the ships up to
the land ; but King Olaf landed people, followed those
who fled, and killed them. Usually the king was the
foremost in such skirmishes, and was so now. When
the king saw where Thorer Hiort, who was quicker
on foot than any man, was running to, he ran after
him with his dog Vig. The king said, " Yig ! Vig !
catch Hiorten."* Vig ran straight in upon him; on
which Thorer halted, and the king threw a spear at
him. Thorer struck with his sword at the dog, and
gave him a great wound ; but at the same moment
the king's spear flew under Thorer's arm, and went
through and through him, and came out at his other
side. There Thorer left his life ; but Vig was carried
wounded to the ships.
Chapter Kiu^^ Olaf o^avc Hfc and freedom to all the men who
T XXXVT .
Kingoiaf's asked it and agreed to become Christian. King Olaf
voyage to sailed with his fleet northwards along the coast, and
Godo.
Hiorten signifies the deer or hart.
KINGS OF NORAVAY. 447
baptized all the people among whom he came ; and saga vi.
when he came north to Salten fiord*, he intended to
sail into it to look for Raud, but a dreadful tempest
and storm was raging in the fiord. They lay there
a whole week, in which the same weather was raging
within the fiord ; while without there was a fine brisk
wind only, fair for proceeding north along the land.
Then the king continued his voyage north to Omd, in
Hind island, where all the people submitted to Chris-
tianity. Then the king turned about and sailed to the
south again ; but when he came to the north side of
Salten fiord, the same tempest was blowing, and the sea
ran high out from the fiord, and the same kind of
storm prevailed for several days while the king was
lying there. Then the king applied to Bishop Sigurd,
and asked him if he knew any counsel about it ; and
the bishop said he would try if God would give him
power to conquer these arts of the Devil.
Bishop Sigurd took all his mass robes and went for- Chapter
ward to the bow of the king's ship ; ordered tapers to be of Bishop
lighted, and incense to be brought out. Then he set the of^RaucTs ^
crucifix upon the stem of the vessel, read the Evangelist ^^eing tor-
and many prayers, besprinkled the whole ship with holy
water, and then ordered the ship-tent to be stowed away,
and to row into the fiord. The king ordered all the
other ships to follow him. Now when all was ready
on board the Crane to row, she went into the fiord
without the rowers finding any mnd ; and the sea was
curled about their keel track like as in a calm, so
* The Salten fiord is more celebrated in the north of Norway, and
more dreaded, than the famous Maelstrom. It is a large fiord within ;
but the throat through which the vast mass of water has to run in and
out at flood and ebb is so narrow, that it makes a very heavy and dan-
gerous race or roost for many miles out in the sea, especially in ebb,
when the whole body of water is returning to the ocean. The stream
can only be crossed during a few minutes at still water, when flood
or ebb has not begun to run, unless at a great distance from the jaws of
this singular gulph.
448 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. quiet and still was the water ; yet on each side of
them the waves were lashing up so high that they
hid the sight of the mountains. And so the one ship
followed the other in the smooth sea track; and they
proceeded this way the whole day and night, until they
reached Godo Isle. Now when they came to Raud's
house his great ship, the dragon, was afloat close to
the land. King Olaf went up to the house imme-
diately with his people ; made an attack on the loft in
which Raud was sleeping, and broke it open. The
men rushed in : Raud was taken and bound, and of
the people with him some were killed and some made
prisoners. Then the king's men went to a lodging in
which Raud's house servants slept, and killed some,
bound others, and beat others. Then the king ordered
Raud to be brought before him, and offered him bap-
tism. " And," says the king, " I will not take thy
property from thee, but rather be thy friend, if thou
wilt make thyself worthy to be so." Raud exclaimed
with all his might against the proposal, saying he
would never believe in Christ, and making his scoff
of God. Then the king was wroth, and said Raud
should die the worst of deaths. And the king ordered
him to be bound to a beam of wood, with his face
uppermost, and a round pin of wood to be set between
his teeth to force his mouth open. Then the king
ordered an adder to be stuck into the mouth of him ;
but the serpent would not go into his mouth, but
shrunk back when Raud breathed against it. Now
the king ordered a hollow branch of an angelica root
to be stuck into Raud's mouth ; others say the king
put his horn into his mouth, and forced the serpent
to go in by holding a red hot-iron before the opening.
So the serpent crept into the mouth of Raud and
down his throat, and gnawed its way out of his side ;
and thus Raud perished. King Olaf took here much
gold and silver, and other property of weapons, and
KINGS OF NORWAY. 449
many sorts of precious eiFects ; and all the men sagaji.
who were with Raucl he either had baptized, or if
they refused had them killed or tortured. Then the
king took the dragon-ship which Kaud had owned,
and steered it himself; for it was a much larger and
handsomer vessel than the Crane. In front it had a
dragon's head, and aft a crook, which turned up, and
ended with the figure of the dragon's tail. The carved
work on each side of the stem and stern was gilded.
This ship the king called the Serpent. When the sails
were hoisted they represented, as it were, the dragon's
wings ; and the ship was the handsomest in all Norway.
The islands on which Kaud dwelt were called Gilling
andHaering ; but the whole islands together were called
Godo Isles, and the current between the isles and the
mainland the Godo Stream. King Olaf baptized the
whole people of the fiord, and then sailed southwards
along the land ; and on this voyage happened much and
various things, which are set down in tales and sagas,
— namely, how witches and evil spirits tormented his
men, and sometimes himself; but we will rather write
about what occurred when King Olaf made Norway
Christian, or in the other countries in which he ad-
vanced Christianity. The same autumn Olaf with
his fleet returned to Drontheim, and landed at Nidaros,
where he took up his winter abode. What I am now
going to write about concerns the Icelanders.
Kiartan Olafsson, a son's son of Hoskuld, and a Chapter
T XXXVTTl
daughter's son of Egil Skalagrimson, came the same of the ice-
autumn from Iceland to Nidaros, and he was consi- ^^"^^"^s-
dered to be the most agreeable and hopeful man of
any born in Iceland. There was also Haldor, a son
of Gudmund of Modrovald ; and Kolbein, a son of
Thord, Frey's godar, and a brother's son of Brenno-
Flose ; together with Swerting, a son of the godar
Runolf. All these were heathens ; and besides them
there were many more, — some men of power, others
VOL. I. G G
450 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. common men of no property. There came also from
Iceland considerable people, who, by Thangbrand's
help, had been made Christians; namely, Gissur White,
a son of Teit Retilbiornson ; and his mother was Alofa,
daughter of Herse Bodvar who was the viking Kare's
son. Bodvar's brother was Sigurd father of Eric
Biodascalla whose daughter Astrid was King Olaf ^s
mother. Hialte Skeggiason was the name of another Ice-
land man, who was married to Vilborg, Gissur White's
daughter. Hialte was also a Christian ; and King
Olaf was very friendly to his relations Gissur and
Hialte, who lived with him. But the Iceland men
who directed the ships, and were heathens, tried to
sail away as soon as the king came to the town of
Nidaros, for they were told the king forced all men
to become Christians ; but the wind came stiff against
them, and drove them back to Nidarholm. They who
directed the ships were Thorarin Nefiulsson, the scald
Halfred Ottarson, Brand the Generous, and Thorleik
Brand's son. It was told the king that there were
Icelanders with ships there, and all were heathen, and
wanted to fly from a meeting "with the king. Then
the king sent them a message forbidding them to sail,
and ordering them to bring their ships up to the town,
which they did, but without discharging the cargoes.
They carried on their dealings and held a market at
the king's pier. In spring they tried three times to
slip away, but never succeeded ; so they continued
lying at the king's pier. It happened one fine day
that many set out to swim for amusement, and among
them was a man who distinguished himself above the
the others in all bodily exercises. Kiartan challenged
Halfred Vandrsedaskald to try himself in swimming
against this man, but he declined it. " Then will I
make a trial," said Kiartan, casting off his clothes,
and springing into the water. Then he set after the
man, seizes hold of his foot, and dives with him under
water. They come up again, and without speaking
KINGS OF NORWAY.
451
SAGA VI.
a word dive again, and are much longer under water
than the first time. They come up again, and with-
out saying a word dive a third time, until Kiartan
thought it was time to come up again, which, however,
he could in no way accomplish, which showed suffi-
ciently the difference in their strength. They were
under water so long that Kiartan was almost drowned.
They then came up, and swam to land. This North-
man asked what the Icelander's name was. Kiartan
tells his name.
He says, " Thou art a good swimmer; but art thou
expert also in other exercises ? "
Kiartan replied, that such expertness was of no
great value.
The Northman asks, '' Why dost thou not inquire
of me such things as I have asked thee about ? "
Kiartan replies, ''It is all one to me who thou art,
or what thy name is."
" Then will I," says he, " tell thee : I am Olaf
Tryggvesson."
He asked Kiartan much about Iceland, which he
answered generally, and wanted to withdraw as hastily
as he could; but the king said, "Here is a cloak which
I will give thee, Kiartan." And Kiartan took the cloak
with many thanks.
When Michaelmas came, the king had high mass
sung with great splendour. The Icelanders went
there, and listened to the fine singing; and the sound tis^ofthe
^ ^ . . Icelanders
of the bells ; and when they came back to their ships
every man told his opinion of the Christian man's
worship. Kiartan expressed his pleasure at it, but
most of the others scofi*ed at it ; and it went accord-
ing to the proverb, " the king has many ears," for
this was told to the king. He sent immediately that
very day a message to Kiartan to come to him. Kiartan
went to the king with some men, and the king re-
ceived him kindly. Kiartan was a very stout and
G G 2
Chapter
LXXXIX.
Of the bap-
452
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
XC.
Halfred
the scald
baptized.
handsome man, and of ready and agreeable speech.
After the king and Kiartan had conversed a little, the
king asked him to adopt Christianity. Kiartan replies,
that he would not say no to that, if he thereby obtained
the king's friendship; and as the king promised him the
fullest friendship, they were soon agreed. The next day
Kiartan was baptized, together with his relation Bolle
Thorleikson, and all their fellow-travellers. Kiartan
and Bolle were the king's guests as long as they were
in their white baptismal clothes, and the king had
much kindness for them. Wherever they came they
were looked upon as people of distinction.
As King Olaf one day was walking in the street
some men met him, and he who went the foremost
saluted the king. The king asked the man his name,
and he called himself Halfred.
" Art thou the scald ? " said the kinof.
" I can compose poetry," replied he.
" Wilt thou then adopt Christianity, and come into
my service ? '* asked the king.
" If I am baptized," replies he, " it must be on
one condition, — that thou thyself art my godfather;
for no other will I have."
The king replies, " That I will do." And Halfred
was baptized, the king holding him during the bap-
tism.
Afterwards the king said, " Wilt thou enter into
my service?"
Halfred replied, " I was formerly in Earl Hakon's
court ; but now I will neither enter into thine nor into
any other service, unless thou promise me it shall
never be my lot to be driven away from thee."
" It has been reported to me," said the king, "that
thou art neither so prudent nor so obedient as to
fulfil my commands."
" In that case," replied Halfred, " put me to death."
" Thou art a scald who composes difficulties," says
KINGS OF NORWAY.
453
the king ; " but into my service, Halfred, thou shalt saga vj.
be received."
Halfred says, " If I am to be named the composer
of difficulties*, what dost thou give me, king, on my
name-day?"
The king gave him a sword without a scabbard,
and said, " Now compose me a song upon this sword,
and let the word sword be in every line of the verses."
Halfred sang thus : —
" This sword of swords is my reward.
For him who knows to wield a sword.
And with his sword to serve his lord,
Yet wants a sword, his lot is hard.
I would I had my good lord's leave
For this good sword a sheath to choose ;
I'm worth three swords where men swords use_,
But for the sword-sheath now I grieve."
Then the king gave him the scabbard, observing
that the word sword was wanting in one line of his
strophe. ^' But there are three swords at least in
two other lines," says Halfred. '' So it is," replies
the king.f — Out of Halfred' s lays we have taken the
most of the true and faithful accounts that are here
related about Olaf Tryggvesson.
The same harvest Thangbrand the priest came
back from Iceland to King Olaf, and told the ill suc-
cess of his iourney; namely, that the Icelanders had hrand the
o J ' ^ 1 priest re-
made lampoons about him ; and that some even sought turns from
Iceland.
Chapter
XCI.
Thans:-
* Vandraedascald — the despair of scalds, or the difficult scald.
t From this dialogue, which we may fairly take as a true represent-
ation of the tone of conversation, and very likely of the words, between
a king and a man of literature or scald in the 10th century, it may be
inferred that there was a considerable taste for the compositions of
scalds, and for intellectual effort; but that this taste was gratified by
the art of verse-making — by the reproduction of words, letters, metres,
in difficult technical circumstances — much more than by the spirit of
poetry. It is likely that in all ages, and even among individuals, the
taste for the simple and natural in poetry is the last, not the first, deve-
loped taste. It is the savage who loves frippery in dress, and in what
addresses itself to taste.
G G 3
454
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
XCII.
Of King
Olaf's feats.
to kill him, and there was little hope of that country
ever being made Christian. King Olaf was so enraged
at this, that he ordered all the Icelanders to be assem-
bled by sound of horn, and was going to kill all who
were in the town ; but Kiartan, Gissur, and Hialte,
with the other Icelanders who had become Christians,
went to him, and said, "King, thou must not fall
from thy word, — that however much any man may
irritate thee, thou wilt forgive him if he turn from
heathenism and become Christian. All the Icelanders
here are willing to be baptized ; and through them
we may find means to bring Christianity into Iceland :
for there are many amongst them, sons of consider-
able people in Iceland, whose friends can advance the
cause ; but the priest Thangbrand proceeded there as
he did here in the court, with violence and man-
slaughter, and such conduct the people there would
not submit to.'' The king hearkened to these remon-
strances ; and all the Iceland men who were there
were baptized.
King Olaf was more expert in all exercises than
any man in Norway whose memory is preserved to
us in sagas ; and he was stronger and more agile than
most men, and many stories are written down about
it. One is, that he ascended the Smalsor Horn *, and
fixed his shield uj)on the very peak. Another is,
that one of his followers had climbed up the peak
after him, until he came to where he could neither get
up nor down ; but the king came to his help, climbed
up to him, took him under his arm, and bore him to
the flat ground. King Olaf could run across the oars
outside of the vessel while his men were rowing the
Serpent. He could play with three daggers, so that
one was always in the air, and he took the one falhng
by the handle. He could walk all round upon the
* Now called Hornelen, — an inaccessible peak or needle on the sum-
mit of a mountain in Bremanger.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 455
ship's rails, could strike and cut equally well mth both saga vi.
hands, and could cast two spears at once. King Olaf
was a very merry frolicsome man ; gay and social ; had
great taste in every thing ; was very generous ; was
very finical in his dress, but in battle he exceeded all
in bravery. He was distinguished for cruelty when
he was enraged, and tortured many of his enemies.
Some he burnt in fire ; some he had torn in pieces by
mad dogs ; some he had mutilated, or cast down from
liigli precipices. On this account his friends were
attached to him warmly, and his enemies feared him
greatly ; and thus he made such a fortunate advance
in his undertakings, for some obeyed his will out of
the friendliest zeal, and others out of dread.
Leif, a son of Eric Rode, who first settled in Green- Chapter
land, came this summer from Greenland to Norway; ofthebap-
and as he met kins; Olaf he adopted Christianity, and tismofLeif
Jijricssoii.
passed the winter with the king.
Gudrod, a son of Eric Bloodyaxe and Gunhild the Chapter
Mother of Kings, had been ravaging in the western paii of
countries ever since he fled from Norway before the ^"^70^,
•^ the last or
Earl Hakon. But the summer before mentioned, when eHc's and
King Olaf Tryggvesson had ruled four years over """ ^
Norway, Gudrod came to the country, and had many
ships of war with him. He had sailed from England ;
and when he thought himself near to the Norway
coast, he steered south along the land, to the quarter
where it was least likely King Olaf would be. Gudrod
sailed in this way south to Viken ; and as soon as he
came to the land began to plunder, to subject the
people to him, and to demand that they should accept
of him as king. Now as the country people saw that
a great army was come upon them, they desired peace
and terms. They ofi'ered King Gudrod to send a Thing-
message over all the country, and to accept of him at
the Thing as king, rather than suffer from his army ;
but they desired delay until a fixed day, while the
G G 4
sons.
456
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
xcv.
The build-
ing of the
ship Long
Serpent.
token of the Thing's assembling was going round
through the land. The king demanded maintenance
during the time this delay lasted. The bonders pre-
ferred entertaining the king as a guest, by turns, as
long as he required it ; and the king accepted of the
proposal to go about with some of his men as a guest
from place to place in the land, while others of his
men remained to guard the ships. When King Olaf 's
relations, Hyrning and Thorgeir, heard of this, they
gathered men, fitted out ships, and went northwards
to Yiken. They came in the night with their men
to a place at which King Gudrod was living as a guest,
and attacked him with fire and weapons ; and there
King Gudrod fell, and most of his followers. Of those
who were with his ships some were killed, some
slipped away and fled to great distances ; and now
were all the sons of Eric and Gunhild dead.
The winter after King Olaf came from Halogaland,
he had a great vessel built at Ladehammer*, Avhich
was larger than any ship in the country, and of which
the beam-knees are still to be seen. The length of
keel that rested upon the grass was seventy -four ells.
Thorberg Skafting was the man's name who was the
master-builder of the ship ; but there were many
others besides, — some to fell wood, some to shape it,
some to make nails, some to carry timber f ; and all
that was used was of the best. The ship was both
long and broad and high-sided, and strongly timbered.
While they were planking the ship, it happened that
Thorberg had to go home to his farm upon some urgent
* Ladehammar, — the knob or point of land below the house of Lade,
still known by the same name. Lade is close to Drontheim.
■j" This division of labour and trades, and this building of a vessel
equal in length to a frigate of forty guns_, give a curious peep at the
civilisation of these pagans in the 10th century, and of the state of the
useful arts among them. We need not be surprised that a people who
had master-carpenters among them had scalds — the useful and the
fine arts keep some kind of pace together.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 457
business ; and as he remained there a long time, the saga vi.
ship was planked up on both sides when he came back.
In the evening the king went out, and Thorberg with
him, to see how the vessel looked, and every body said
that never was seen so large and so beautiful a ship of
war. Then the king returned to the town. Early
next morning the king returns again to the ship, and
Thorberg with him. The carpenters were there before
them, but all were standing idle with their arms across.
The king asked " what was the matter?" They said
the ship was destroyed ; for somebody had gone from
stem to stern, and cut one deep notch after the other
down the one side of the planking. When the king
came nearer he saw it was so, and said, with an oath,
" The man shall die who has thus destroyed the
vessel out of envy, if he can be discovered, and I shall
bestow a great reward on whoever finds him out."
''I can tell you, king," says Thorberg, ''who has
done this piece of work."
" I don't think," replies the king, " that any one is
so likely to find it out as thou art."
" Thorberg says, " I will tell you, king, who did it.
I did it myself."
" The king says, " Thou must restore it all to the
same condition as before, or thy life shall pay for it."
Then Thorberg went and chipped the planks until
the deep notches were all smoothed and made even
with the rest ; and the king and all present declared
that the ship was much handsomer on the side of the
hull which Thorberg had chipped, and bade him shape
the other side in the same way, and gave him great
thanks for the improvement. Afterwards Thorberg
was the master-builder of the ship until she was en-
tirely finished. The ship was a dragon, built after
the one the king had captured in Halogaland; but
this ship was far larger, and more carefully put
together in all her parts. The king called this ship
458
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
XCVL
Of Earl
Eric, the
son of
Hakon.
Serpent the Long, and the other Serpent the Short.
The long Serpent had thirty-four benches for rowers.
The head and the arched tail were both gilt, and the
bulwarks were as high as in sea-going ships. This
ship was the best and most costly ship ever made
in Norway.
Earl Eric, the son of Earl Hakon, and his brother,
with many other valiant men their relations, had left
the country after Earl Hakon's fall. Earl Eric went
eastward to Sweden, to Olaf the Swedish king, and
he and his people were well received. King Olaf gave
the earl peace and freedom in the land, and great fiefs ;
so that he could support himself and his men well.
Thord Kolbeinsson speaks of this in the verses before
given. ^ Many people who fled from the country on
account of King Olaf Tryggvesson came out of Nor-
way to Earl Eric ; and the earl resolved to fit out
ships and go a cruising, in order to get property for
himself and his people. First he steered to Gotland,
and lay there long in summer watching for merchant
vessels sailing towards the land, or for vikings. Some-
times he landed and ravaged all round upon the sea-
coasts. So it is told in the '' Banda-drapa : " —
'' Eric, as we have lately heard,
Has waked the song of shield and sword, —
Has waked the slumbering storm of shields
Upon the vikings' water-fields :
From Gotland's lonely shore has gone
Far up the land, and battles won;
And o'er the sea his name is spread,
To friends a shield, to foes a dread."
Afterwards Earl Eric sailed south to Yendland, and
at Staurin found some viking ships, and gave them
battle. Eric gained the victory, and slew the vikings.
So it is told in the " Banda-drapa :" —
" Earl Eric, he who stoutly wields
The battle-axe in storm of shields,
* In the verses given in Chapter 57- of this Saga.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
459
With his long-ships surprised the foe saga vi.
At Staurin, and their strength laid low.
Many a corpse floats round the shore ;
The strand with dead is studded o'er ;
The raven tears their sea-bleached skins —
The land thrives well when Eric wins."
Earl Eric sailed back to Sweden in autumn, and 5"^™
staid there all winter ; but m spring he fitted out his Eari Eric's
war force again, and sailed up the Baltic. When he [he^Baitic
came to Valdemar's dominions he began to plunder coasts.
and kill the inhabitants, and burn the dwellings every-
where as he came along, and to lay waste the country.
He came to Aldeigioburg *, and besieged it until he
took the castle ; and he killed many people, broke
down and burned the castle, and then carried destruc-
tion all around far and wide in Russia. So it is told
in the '' Banda-drapa : " —
'^ The generous earl, brave and bold.
Who scatters his bright shining gold,
Eric, with fire-scattering hand,
Wasted the Russian monarch's land, —
With arrow-shower, and storm of war.
Wasted the land of Waldemar.
Aldeigia burns, and Eric's might
Scours through all Russia by its light."
Earl Eric was five years in all on this foray; and
when he returned from Russia he ravaged all Adal-
sy ssel and Eysy ssel f , and took there four viking ships
from the Danes, and killed every man on board. So
it is told in the " Banda-drapa :" —
" Among the isles flies round the word.
That Eric's blood-devouring sword
Has flashed like fire in the Sound,
And wasted all the land around.
* Aldeigioborg is the town at Aldeigia or the Ladoga lake, and is
supposed to be the present town of Notaburg, on an island in this lake.
I Estland was the country along the Gulph of Finland, as far west
as the Vistula; and Eysyssel was the district of the islands of Osel
and others along this coast. Adalsyssel was the district on the main-
land opposite to Eysyssel.
460
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
XCVIII.
King
Swend's
marriage.
And Eric too, the bold in fight.
Has broken down the robber-might
Of four great vikings, and has slain
All of the crew — nor spared one Dane.
In Gotland he has seized the town.
In Syssels harried up and down ;
And all the people in dismay
Fled to the forests far away.
By land or sea, in field or wave.
What can withstand this earl brave ?
All fly before his fiery hand —
God save the earl, and keep the land."
When Eric had been a year in Sweden he went
over to Denmark to King Swend the Forked-bearded,
the Danish king, and courted his daughter Gyda. The
proposal was accepted, and Earl Eric married Gyda ;
and a year after they had a son, who was called Hakon.
Earl Eric was in the winter in Denmark, or sometimes
in Sweden ; but in summer he went a cruising.
The Danish king, Swend Forked Beard*, was married
* Sweinn or Swend Forked Beard (Tiuguskegg) was the conqueror
of England, and father of Canute the Great. We retain the word
swein in swain, boatswain, coxswain, and other words, in the same
signification as swein and swend have in the northern languages.
He was the son of King Harald Gormson, whose father, Gorm the Old,
was the first sole king of Denmark. Gorm the Old, Harald Haarfager,
and Eric Emundsson of Sweden, were contemporaries, and three re-
markable men, who, about the middle of the 9th century, got the supreme
power in their respective dominions, and put down the small kings. Eric
the Victorious, a grandson of Eric Emundsson, gained a battle at Fyrisvol,
near Upsal, in 983, against his brother's son, Styrbiorn the Strong, who
was aided by Harald Gormson of Denmark; and in the war which en-
sued between Sweden and Denmark, Swein, Harald's son, was driven
from his kingdom. Eric's first wife was Sigrid the Haughty. He
divorced her after she had a son by him called Olaf. This Olaf, called
Olaf the Swede, and the Lap-king, from having been king while still in
his nurse's lap, was the Olaf of whom so much is related in the Saga of
Saint Olaf. This Sigrid, the same who burnt Harald Graenske, and
whom Olaf Tryggvesson insulted by striking her with his glove, married
Swein, who recovered back his kingdom by this marriage from his step-
son, Olaf the Swede. According to the saga, this Sigrid's desire of re-
venge for the insult she had received from Olaf Tryggvesson occasioned
the combination which defeated and slew Olaf. The peace, established
by this marriage between Sweden and Denmark, enabled Swein to leave
his dominions and make war in England. Olaf the Swede died in 1024,
and was the first Christian king of Sweden.
Burislaf's
marriage.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 461
to Gunhild, a daughter of Burislaf king of the Vends, ^aga vt.
But in the times we have just been speaking of it
happened that Queen Gunhild fell sick, and died. Soon
after King Swend married Sigrid the Haughty, a
daughter of Skoglar Toste, and mother of the Swedish
king Olaf ; and by means of this relationship there
was great friendship between the kings and Earl Eric,
Hakon's son.
Burislaf, the king of the Vends, complained to his Chapter
relation Earl Sigvald, that the agreement was broken King
which Sigvald had made between King Swend and King
Burislaf, by which Burislaf was to get in marriage
Thyri, Harald's daughter, a sister of King Swend : but
that marriage had not proceeded, for Thyri had given a
positive no to the proposal to marry her to an old and
heathen king. '' Now," said King Burislaf to Earl Sig-
vald, " I must have the promise fulfilled." And he told
Earl Sigvald to go to Denmark, and bring him Thyri
as his queen. Earl Sigvald loses no time, but goes to
King Swend of Denmark ; explains to him the case ;
and brings it so far by his persuasion, that the king
delivered his sister Thyri into his hands. With her
went some female attendants, and her foster-father, by
name Otsur Aakeson, a man of great power, and some
other people. In the agreement between the king and
the earl, it was settled that Thyri should have in pro-
perty the possessions which Queen Gunhild had en-
joyed in Vendland, besides other great properties as
bride-gifts. Thyri wept sorely, and went very unwill-
ingly. When the earl came to Vendland, Burislaf
held his wedding with Queen Thyri, and received her
in marriage ; but as long as she was among heathens
she would neither eat nor drink with them, and this
lasted for seven days.
It happened one night that Queen Thyri and Otsur Chapter
ran away in the dark, and into the woods, and, to be King biaf
short in our story, came at last to Denmark. But s^^^'^^y"
»/ ' in mar-
riaare.
462 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI
• there Thyri did not dare to remain, knowing that if
her brother King Swend heard of her, he would send
her back directly to Yendland. She went on, there-
fore, secretly to Norway, and never stayed her jour-
ney until she fell in with King Olaf, by whom she
was kindly received. Thyri related to the king her
sorrows, and entreated his advice in her need, and
protection in his kingdom. Thyri was a well-spoken
woman, and the king had pleasure in her conversa-
tion. He saw she was a handsome woman, and it
came into his mind that she would be a good match ;
so he turns the conversation that way, and asks if
she will marry him. Now, as she saw that her situa-
tion was such that she could not help herself, and
considered what a luck it was for her to marry so
celebrated a man, she bade him to dispose himself of
her hand and fate ; and, after nearer conversation,
King Olaf took Thyri in marriage. This wedding
was held in harvest, after the king returned from
Halogaland ; and King Olaf and Queen Thyri re-
mained all winter at Nidaros. The following spring
Queen Thyri complained often to King Olaf, and
wept bitterly over it, that she who had so great pro-
perty in Yendland had no goods or possessions here
in the country that were suitable for a queen ; and
sometimes she would entreat the king mth fine words
to get her property restored to her, and saying that
King Burislaf was so great a friend of King Olaf that
he would not deny King Olaf any thing if they were
to meet. But when King Olaf 's friends heard of such
speeches, they dissuaded him from any such expe-
dition. It is related that the king one day early in
spring was walking in the street, and met a man
in the market with many, and, for that early season,
remarkably large angelica roots. The king took a
great stalk of the angelica in his hand, and went
home to Queen Thyri's lodging. Thyri sat in her
KINGS OF NORWAY. 463
room weeping as the king came in. The king said, saga vi.
" See here, queen, is a great angelica stalk, which I
give thee." She threw it away, and said " A greater
present Harald Gormson gave to my mother ; and he
Avas not afraid to go out of the land and take his own.
That Avas shown when he came here to Norway, and
laid waste the greater part of the land, and seized on
all the scatt and revenues ; and thou darest not go
across the Danish dominions for this brother of mine,
King Swend." As she spoke thus. King Olaf sprang
up, and answered with a loud oath, " Never did I
fear thy brother King Swend ; and if we meet he shall
give way before me ! "
Soon after the king convoked a Thing in the town, Chapter
and proclaimed to all the public, that in summer he oiaf 's levy
would go abroad upon an expedition out of the coun- ^"^ ^^^^•
try, and would raise both ships and men from every
district ; and at the same time fixed how many ships
he would have from the whole Drontheim fiord.
Then he sent his message-token south and north,
both along the sea coast and up in the interior of the
country, to let an army be gathered. The king or-
dered the Long Serpent to be put into the water, along
with all his other ships both small and great. He
himself steered the Long Serpent. When the crews
were taken out for the ships, they were so carefully
selected that no man on board the Long Serpent was
older than sixty or younger than twenty years, and
all were men distinguished for strength and courage.
Those who were Olaf's body-guard were in particu-
lar chosen men, both of the country and foreigners*,
and the boldest and strongest.
Ulf Rode was the name of the man who bore Kins; Chapter
CIT
Olaf's banner, and was in the forecastle of the Long The crew
Serpent ; and with him was Kiolbiorn the marshal, ^]} J'^'V''^
^ ' of the Long
Serpent.
* Foreigners were kept in pay even at that time in the body-guard
of the kings.
464 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. and Yikar of Tiundaland, and Thorstein Oxefod, bro-
thers of Arnliot Gellina. By the bulkhead next the
forecastle were Yakur Elfski Raumason, Birse Bolla-
son the Strong, An Skyti from Jemteland, Thrand
Rame from Thelemark, and his brother Uthyrmer.
Besides these, were, of Halogaland men, Thrand Ski-
alge and Ogmund Sandi, Lodver Lang from Saltvig,
and Harek Huase ; together with these Drontheim
men — Ketil Hane, Thorfin Eisli, Haavard and his
brothers from Orkadal. The following were in the
fore-hold : Biorn from Studio, Bork from the Fiorde,
Thorgrim Thiodolfson from Huin, Asbiorn and Orm,
Thord from Mardarlog, Thorstein White from Ofro-
stad, Arnor from Masre, Halstein and Hauk from the
Fiord district, Eyvind Snaker, Berga Bestill, Halkel
from Fialer, Olaf Dreng, Arnfin from Sogn, Sigurd
Bilde, Einar from Hordaland, and Fin and Ketil
from Rogaland, and Griotgard the Brisk. The fol-
lowing were in the hold next the mast : Einar Tam-
barskelver, who was not reckoned as fully experienced,
being only eighteen years old; Halstein Hlifarson,
Thorolf, Ivar Smette, and Orm Skoganef. Many
other vahant men were in the Serpent, although we
cannot tell all their names. In every half division of
the hold were eight men, and each and all chosen
men ; and in the fore-hold were thirty men. It was a
common saying among people, that the Long Ser-
pent's crew was as distinguished for bravery, strength,
and daring, among other men, as the Long Serpent
was distinguished among other ships. Thorkel Nefia,
the king's brother, commanded the Short Serpent ;
and Thorkel Dyrdil and Jostein, the king's mother's
brothers, had the Crane ; and both these ships were
well manned. King Olaf had eleven large ships from
Drontheim, besides vessels with twenty rowers' benches,
Chapter Smaller vcsscls, aud provision-vessels,
cm. When King Olaf had nearly rigged out his fleet in
baptized. Nidaros, he appointed men over the Drontheim coun-
KINGS OF NOKWAY. 465
try in all districts and communities. He also sent to saga vr.
Iceland Gissur White and Hialte Skeggiason, to pro-
claim Christianity there ; and sent with them a priest
called Thormod, along with several men in holy
orders. But he retained with him, as hostages, four
Icelanders whom he thought the most important ;
namely, Kiartan Olafsson, Haldor Gudmundsson, Kol-
bein Thordsson, and Swerting Runalfsson. Of Gissur
and Hialte's progress, it is related that they came to
Iceland before the All-thing, and went to the Thing ;
and in that Thing Christianity was introduced by law
into Iceland, and in the course of the summer all the
people were baptized.
The same spring King Olaf also sent Leif Ericsson Chapter
to Greenland to proclaim Christianity there, and Leif Greenland
went there that summer. In the ocean he took baptized.
up the crew of a ship which had been lost, and who
were clinging to the wreck. He also found Vinland
the Good ; arrived about harvest in Greenland ; and had
with him for it a priest and other teachers, with whom
he went to Brattalid to lodge with his father Eric.
People called him afterwards Leif the Lucky ; but his
father Eric said that his luck and ill luck balanced
each other ; for if Leif had saved a wreck in the ocean,
he had brought a hurtful person with him to Green-
land, and that was the priest.*
* There are eight chapters here in Peringskiold's edition of the
Heimskringla which relate to the discovery of Vinland, and are taken
from the Codex Flatoyensis, but are not in the manuscripts of the
Heimskringla known to the Danish antiquaries. They are supposed to
have been an interpolation in the manuscript which Peringskiold had
before him, but which is not now to be found. That they are an in-
terpolation is manifest, because they have no reference to or connection
with the events or personages before them or after them in Snorro's
narrative, and interrupt Olaf Tryggvesson's history at the most inter-
esting and important period; but all Snorro's incidents and personages
in his episodes reappear and conduce to his story, as in real life, or as
in Homer's practice or Horace's precepts of the construction of an epic.
This artistical management of his tale is one of the beauties of Snorro's
VOL. I. H H
4:6G CHRONICLE OF THE
sAGAvi. The winter after King Olaf had baptized Haloga-
Chapteb land, he and Queen Thyri were in Nidaros ; and the
EariRogn- summer before Queen Thyri had brought King Olaf
vaid sends ^ bov-child, which was both stout and promisino^, and
messengers •' . ■'• '-^ ,^,
to King was called Harald, after its mother's father, ihe
king and queen loved the infant exceedingly, and re-
joiced in the hope that it would grow up and inherit
after its father ; but it lived barely a year after its
birth, which both took much to heart. In that winter
were many Icelanders and other clever men in King
Olaf 's house, as before related. His sister Ingeborg,
Tryggve's daughter, was also at the court at that
time. She was beautiful in appearance, modest and
frank with the people, had a steady manly judgment,
and was beloved of all. She was very fond of the
Icelanders who were there, but most of Kiartan
Olafsson, for he had been longer than the others
in the king's house ; and he found it always amusing
to converse with her, for she had both understanding
and cleverness in talk. The king was always gay and
full of mirth in his intercourse with the people ; and
often asked about the manners of the great men and
chiefs in the neighbouring countries, when strangers
from Denmark or Sweden came to see him. The
summer before Halfred Vandrseda skald had come
from Gotland, where he had been with Earl Rognvald,
Ulf 's son, who had lately come to the government of
Wester Gotland. Ulf, Rognvald's father, was a bro-
ther of Sigrid the Haughty; so that King Olaf the
Swede and Earl Rognvald were brother and sister's
children. Halfred told Olaf many things about the
earl: he said he was an able chief, excellently fitted
for governing, generous "with money, brave, and
work, and of the internal evidences of its general tnith_, which will not
have escaped the reader's notice. The eight chapters are given in the
Appendix.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
467
steady in friendship. Halfred said also that the earl sagaj^i.
desired much the friendship of King Olaf, and had
spoken of making court to Ingeborg, Tryggve^s
dauo-hter. The same winter came embassadors from
Gotland, and fell in with King Olaf in the north, in
Nidaros, and brought the message which Halfred had
spoken of, — that the earl desired to be King Olaf 's
entire friend, and wished to become his brother-in-law
by obtaining his sister Ingeborg in marriage. There-
with the embassadors laid before the king sufficient
tokens in proof that in reality they came from the
earl on this errand. The king listened with appro-
bation to their speech ; but said that Ingeborg herself
must determine on his assent to the marriage. The
king then talked to his sister about the matter, and
asked her opinion about it. She answered to this
effect, — '' I have been with you for some time, and
you have shown brotherly care and tender respect
for me ever since you came to the country. I will
agree therefore to your proposal about my marriage,
provided that you do not marry me to a heathen
man.^' The king said it should be as she wished.
The king then spoke to the embassadors ; and it was
settled before they departed that in summer Earl
Rognvald should meet the king in the east parts of
the country, to enter into the fullest friendship with
each other, and when they met they would settle about
the marriage. With this reply the earl's messengers
went westward, and King Olaf remained all winter
in Nidaros in great splendour, and with many people
about him.
King Olaf proceeded in summer with his ships Chapter
and men southwards along the land, and past Stad. King oiaf
With him were Queen Thyri and Ingeborg, Tryggve's ^^^s^"^. i^^s
daughter, the king's sister. Many of his friends also to Vend-
joined him, and other persons of consequence who had ^" *
prepared themselves to travel with the king. The
H H 2
468
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
CVII.
King
Olaf's ex-
pedition to
Vendland.
first man among these was his brother-in-law, Erling
Skialgsson, who had with him a large ship of thirty
benches of rowers, and which was in every respect
well equipt. His brothers-in-law Hyrning and Thor-
geir also joined him, each of whom for himself steered
a large vessel ; and many other powerful men besides
followed him. With all this war- force he sailed south-
wards along the land ; but when he came south as far
as Eogaland he stopped there, for Erling Skialgsson
had prepared for him a splendid feast at Sole. There
Earl Rognvald, Ulf 's son, from Gotland, came to meet
the king, and to settle the business which had been
proposed in winter in the messages between them,
namely, the marriage with Ingeborg the king's sister.
Olaf received him kindly ; and when the matter came
to be spoken of, the king said he would keep his
word, and marry his sister Ingeborg to him, provided
he would accept the true faith, and make all his sub-
jects he ruled over in his land be baptized. The earl
agreed to this, and he and all his followers were bap-
tized. Now was the feast enlarged that Erling had
prepared, for the earl held his wedding there with
Ingeborg the king's sister. King Olaf had now mar-
ried off all his sisters. The earl, with Ingeborg, set out
on his way home ; and the king sent learned men with
him to baptize the people in Gotland, and to teach
them the right faith and morals. The king and the
earl parted in the greatest friendship.
After his sister Ingeborg's wedding, the king made
ready in all haste to leave the country with his army,
which was both great and made up of fine men.
When he left the land and sailed southwards he had
sixty ships of war, with which he sailed past Denmark,
and in through the Sound, and on to Vendland. He ap-
pointed a meeting with King Burislaf ; and when the
kings met, they spoke about the f)roperty which King
Olaf demanded, and the conference went off peaceably,
KINGS OF NORWAY. 469
as a good account was given of the properties which saga vi.
King Olaf thought himself entitled to there. He
passed here much of the summer, and found many of
his old friends.
The Danish kinsr, Swend Forked Beard, Avas mar- Chapter
L^, K^,TV.XXV^ ^ V^XXV^V^ J^V^C^^V^,
CVIII.
ried, as before related, to Sigrid the Haughty. Sigrid conspiracy
was King Olaf Tryggvesson's greatest enemy; the of*s^e(j"f^
cause of which, as before said, was that King Olaf and Den-
had broken off with her, and had struck her in the Eari Erie
face. She uro^ed Kino; Swend much to 2:ive battle to ^f?^"^*^, ^
o o o King Olaf..
King Olaf Tryggvesson; saying that he had reason
enough, as Olaf had married his sister Thyri without
his leave, " and that your predecessors would not
have submitted to." Such persuasions Sigrid had
often in her mouth ; and at last she brought it so far
that Swend resolved firmly on doing so. Early in
spring King Swend sent messengers eastward into
Sweden, to his brother-in-law Olaf, the Swedish king,
and to Earl Eric; and informed them that King Olaf
of Norway was levying men for an expedition, and
intended in summer to go to Yendland. To this news
the Danish king added an invitation to the Swedish
king and Earl Eric to meet King Swend with an
army, so that all together they might make an attack
on King Olaf Tryggvesson. The Swedish king and
Earl Eric were ready enough for this, and imme-
diately assembled a great fleet and an army through
all Sweden, with which they sailed southwards to
Denmark, and arrived there before King Olaf Tryg-
gvesson had sailed to the eastward. Haldor the Un-
christian tells of this in his lay on Earl Eric : —
'' The king-subduer raised a host
Of warriors on the Swedish coast.
The brave went southwards to the fight,
Who love the sword-storm's gleaming light;
The brave, who fill the wild wolf's mouth.
Followed bold Eric to the south;
The brave, who sport in blood — each one
With the bold earl to sea is gone."
H H 3
470
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
CIX.
Earl Sig-
vald's
treach-
erous
plans.
Chavter
ex.
King
Olaf's
The Swedish king and Earl Eric sailed to meet the
Danish king, and they had all when together an im-
mense force.
At the same time tliat King Swend sent a message
to Sweden for an army, he sent Earl Sigvald to Vend-
land to spy out King Olaf Tryggvesson's proceedings,
and to bring it about by cunning devices that King
Swend and King Olaf should fall in with each other.
So Sigvald sets out to go to Vendland. First, he
came to Jomsburg, and then he sought out King Olaf
Tryggvesson. There was much friendship in their
conversation, and the earl got himself into great
favour with the king. Astrid, the earl's wife, King
Burislaf 's daughter, was a great friend of King Olaf
Tryggvesson, particularly on account of the connec-
tion which had been between them when Olaf was
married to her sister Geira. Earl Sigvald was a pru-
dent, ready-minded man ; and as he had got a voice in
King Olaf's council, he put him off much from sail-
ing homewards, finding various reasons for delay.
Olaf's people were in the highest degree dissatisfied
with this ; for the men were anxious to get home, and
they lay ready to sail, waiting only for a wind. At
last Earl Sigvald got a secret message from Denmark
that the Swedish king's army was arrived from the
east, and that Earl Eric's also was ready ; and that all
these chiefs had resolved to sail eastAvards to Vend-
land, and wait for King Olaf at an island which is
called Svald.* They also desired the earl to con-
trive matters so that they should meet King Olaf
there.
There came first a flying report to Vendland that
the Danish king, Swend, had fitted out an army ; and
* This island has been somewhere between the south-east end of the
Isle of Rugen and the continent; but no such isle now exists, and the
antiquary is forced to conjecture it may have been lost in the 14th
century, when many changes took place in the coast land of the Baltic.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 471
it was soon whispered that he intended to attack saoavl
Eng Olaf. But Earl Sigvald says to King Olaf, '' It voyage
never can be King Swend's intention to venture with lanJ
the Danish force alone, to give battle to thee with
such a powerful army ; but if thou hast any suspicion
that evil is on foot, I Avill follow thee with my force
(at that time it was considered a great matter to have
Jomsburg vikings with an army), and I will give
thee eleven manned ships." The king accepted this
offer ; and as the light breeze of wind that came was
favourable, he ordered the ships to get under weigh,
and the war-horns to sound the departure. The sails
were hoisted ; and all the small vessels, sailing fastest,
got out to sea before the others. The earl, who
sailed nearest to the king's ship, called to those on
board to tell the king to sail in his keel-track : " For
I know where the water is deepest between the islands
and in the sounds, and these large ships require the
deepest." Then the earl sailed first with his eleven
ships, and the king followed with his large ships, also
eleven in number ; but the whole of the rest of the
fleet sailed out to sea. Now when Earl Sigvald came
saihng close under the island Svald, a skiff rowed out
to inform the earl that the Danish king's army was
lying in the harbour before them. Then the earl
ordered the sails of his vessels to be struck, and they
rowed in under the island. Haldor the Unchristian
says : —
" From out the south bold Tryggve's son
With one-and-seventy ships came on^
To dye his sword in bloody fight_,
Against the Danish foeman's might.
But the false earl the king betrayed;
And treacherous Sigvald, it is said,
Deserted from King Olaf 's fleet.
And basely fled, the Danes to meet."
It is said here that King Olaf and Earl Sigvald had
seventy sail of vessels and one more, when they sailed
from the south.
H H 4
472 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. The Danisli king Swend, the Swedish king Olaf,
Chapter and Earl Eric, were there with all their forces. The
The ^L weather being fine and clear sunshine, all these chiefs,
suitation of with a great suite, went out on the isle to see the
vessels sailing out at sea, and many of them crowded
together ; and they saw among them one large and
glancing ship. The two kings said, " That is a large
and very beautiful vessel : that will be the Long Ser-
pent."
Earl Eric replied, " That is not the Long Serpent."
And he was right ; for it was a ship belonging to
Endric of Grimsar.
Soon after they saw another vessel coming sailing
along much larger than the first ; then says King
Swend, "Olaf Tryggvesson must be afraid, for he
does not venture to sail with the figure-head of the
dragon upon his ship."
Says Earl Eric, " That is not the king's ship yet ;
for I know that ship by the coloured stripes of cloth
in her sail. That is Erling Skialgsson. Let him
sail ; for it is the better for us that this ship is away
from Olaf 's fleet, so well equipt as she is."
Soon after they saw and knew Earl Sigvald's ships,
which turned in and laid themselves under the
island. Then they saw three ships coming along
under sail, and one of them very large. King Swend
ordered his men to go to their ships, " for there
comes the Long Serpent."
Earl Eric says, " Many other great and stately
vessels have they besides the Long Serpent. Let us
wait a little."
I Then said many, "Earl Eric will not fight and
avenge his father ; and it is a great shame that it
should be told that we lay here with so great a force,
and allowed King Olaf to sail out to sea before our
eyes."
But when they had spoken thus for a short time,
KINGS OF NORWAY. 473
tliey saw four ships coming sailing along, of which saga vi.
one had a large dragon-head richly gilt. Then King
Swend stood up, and said, " That dragon shall carry
me this evening high, for I shall steer it."
Then said many, " The Serpent is indeed a wonder-
fully large and beautiful vessel, and it shows a great
mind to have built such a ship."
Earl Eric said so loud that several persons heard
him, " If King Olaf had no other vessels but only
that one. King Swend would never take it from him
with the Danish force alone."
Thereafter all the people rushed on board their
ships, took down the tents*, and in all haste made
ready for battle.
While the chiefs were speaking among themselves
as above related, they saw three very large ships
coming sailing along, and at last after them a fourth,
and that was the Long Serpent. Of the large ships
which had gone before, and which they had taken
for the Long Serpent, the first was the Crane ; the
one after that was the Short Serpent ; and when they
really saw the Long Serpent all knew, and nobody
had a word to say against it, that it must be Olaf
Tryggvesson who was sailing in such a vessel ; and
they went to their ships to arm for the fight.
An agreement had been concluded among the chiefs.
King Swend, King Olaf the S^vede, and Earl Eric, that
they should divide Norway among them in three parts,
in case they succeeded against Olaf Tryggvesson ;
but that he of the chiefs who should first board the
Serpent should have her, and all the booty found in
her, and each should have the ships he cleared for
himself. Earl Eric had a large ship of war which he
used upon his viking expeditions ; and there was an
* The ship-tents or tilts^, under which the crews appear to have lived
when not under sail.
474
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI.
Chapter
CXII.
Of King
Olaf's
people.
Chapter
CXIII.
King
Olaf's
ships are
closed up
for battle.
iron beard or comb above on both sides of the stem,
and below it a thick iron plate as broad as the combs,
which went down quite to the gunnel.*
When Earl Sigvald with his vessels rowed in under
the island, Thorkel Dyrdil of the Crane, and the other
ship commanders who sailed with him, saw that he
turned his ships towards the isle, and thereupon let fall
the sails, and rowed after him, calling out, and asking
why he sailed that way. The earl answered, that he was
waiting for King Olaf, as he feared there were enemies
in the way. They lay upon their oars until Thorkel
Nefia came up with the Short Serpent and the three
ships which followed him. When they told them the
same they too struck sail, and let the ships drive,
waiting for King Olaf. But when the king sailed in
towards the isle, the whole enemies' fleet came rowing
within them out to the Sound. When they saw this
they begged the king to hold on his way, and not
risk battle with so great a force. The king replied,
high on the quarterdeck where he stood, " Strike
the sails ; never shall men of mine think of flight. I
never fled from battle. Let God dispose of my life,
but flight I shall never take." It was done as the
king commanded. Halfred tells of it thus : —
^' And far and wide the saying bold
Of the brave warrior shall be told.
The king, in many a fray well tried,,
To his brave champions round him cried^
' My men shall never learn from me
From the dark weapon-cloud to flee.'
Nor were the brave words spoken then
Forgotten by his faithful men."
Kino^ Olaf ordered the war-horns to sound for all
his ships to close up to each other. The king's ship
lay in the middle of the line, and on one side lay the
Little Serpent, and on the other the Crane; and as
* It seems to have been an iron plate with spikes on the top, all
round the stem and sides of the ship^ to prevent boarding.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
475
they made fast the stems together*, the Long Serpent's saga vi.
stem and the short Serpent's were made fast together ;
but when the king saw it he called out to his men,
and ordered them to lay the larger ship more in ad-
vance, so that its stern should not lie so far behind in
the fleet.
Then says Ulf the Red, " If the Long Serpent is to
lie as much more ahead of the other ships as she is
longer than them, we shall have hard work of it here
on the forecastle."
The king replies, " I did not think I had a fore-
castle man afraid as well as red."f
Says Ulf, " Defend thou the quarterdeck as I shall
the forecastle."
The king had a bow in his hands, and laid an arrow
on the string, and aimed at Ulf.
Ulf said, " Shoot another way, king, where it is
more needful : my work is thy gain."
King Olaf stood on the Serpent's quarterdeck, high Chapter
over the others. He had a gilt shield, and a helmet of Kin^'
inlaid with gold ; over his armour he had a short red ^^^f- .
coat, and was easy to be distinguished from other
men. When King Olaf saw that the scattered forces
of the enemy gathered themselves together under the
banners of their ships, he asked, " Who is the chief
of the force right opposite to us ?"
He was answered, that it was King Swend with
the Danish army.
The king replies, '^ We are not afraid of these soft
* The mode of fighting in sea battles appears, from this and many
other descriptions, to have been for each party to bind together the
stems and sterns of their own ships, forming them thus into a compact
body as soon as the fleets came within fighting distance, or within spears*
throw. They appear to have fought principally from the forecastles;
and to have used grappling-irons for dragging a vessel out of the line,
or within boarding distance.
"I* There is a rhyme or pun here — Raudan oc Ragan. Afraid —
llagan, is similar in alliterative rhyme to Raudan — Red, the name of
Ulf; and Raudan oc Ragan make a line of alliterative verse.
476 CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGA VI. Danes, for tliere is no bravery in them ; but who are
the troops on the right of the Danes ?"
He was answered, that it was King Olaf with the
Swedish forces.
" Better it were," says King Olaf, '' for these Swedes
to be sitting at home kiUing their sacrifices, than to
be venturing under our weapons from the Long Ser-
pent. But who owns the large ships on the larboard
side of the Danes?"
" That is Earl Eric Hakonson," say they.
The king replies, " He, methinks, has good reason
for meeting us ; and we may expect the sharpest
conflict with these men, for they are Norsemen like
ourselves."
Chapter The Mugs uow laid out their oars, and prepared to
Tiie battle attack. King Swend laid his ship against the Long
begins. Serpent. Outside of him Olaf the Swede laid himself,
and set his ship's stem against the outermost ship of
King Olaf 's line ; and on the other side lay Earl Eric.
Then a hard combat began. Earl Sigvald held back
with the oars on his ships, and did not join the fray.
So says Skule Thorsteinson, who at that time was
with Earl Eric : —
" I followed Sigvald in my youth,
And gallant Eric; and in truth,
Tho' now I am grown stiff and old.
In the spear-song I once was bold.
Where arrows whistled on the shore
Of Swalder fiord my shield I bore.
And stood amidst the loudest clash
When swords on shields made fearful crash."
And Halfred also sings thus : —
^^ In truth, I think the gallant king.
Midst such a foemen's gathering,
Would be the better of some score
Of his tight Drontheim lads, or more;
For many a chief has run away,
And left our brave king in the fray.
KINGS OF NORWAY.
477
Two great kings' power to withstand, saga VI.
And one great earl's, with his small band.
The king who dares such mighty deed
A hero for his scald would need."
This battle was one of the severest told of, and many Chapter
were the people slain. The forecastle men of the Long pught of
Serpent, the Little Serpent, and the Crane, threw grap- ^^^s^
plings and stem chains into King Swend's ship, and and King
used their weapons well against the people standing s.^^'ede.^
below them, for they cleared the decks of all the ships
they could lay fast hold of; and King Swend, and all the
men who escaped, fled to other vessels, and laid them-
selves out of bow-shot. It went with this force just as
King Olaf Tryggvesson had foreseen. Then KingOlaf
the Swede laid himself in their place ; but when he
came near the great ships it went with him as with
them, for he lost many men and some ships, and was
obliged to get away. But Earl Eric laid the Iron Beard
side by side with the outermost of King Olaf's ships,
thinned it of men, cut the cables, and let it drive. Then
he laid alongside of the next, and fought until he had
cleared it of men also. Now all the people who were
in the smaller ships began to run into the larger, and
the earl cut them loose as fast as he cleared them of
men. The Danes and Swedes laid themselves now
out of shooting distance all around Olaf's ship ; but
Earl Eric lay always close alongside of the ships, and
used his swords and battle-axes, and as fast as people
fell in his vessel others, Danes and Swedes, came in
their place. So says Haldor : —
" Sharp was the clang of shield and sword.
And shrill the song of spears on board.
And whistling arrows thickly flew
Against the Serpent's gallant crew.
And still fresh foemen, it is said.
Earl Eric to her long side led ;
Whole armies of his Danes and Swedes,
Wielding on high their blue sword-blades."
Then the fight became most severe, and many
478
CHRONICLE OF THE
SAGAvi. people fell. But at last it came to this, that all King
Olaf Tryggvesson's ships were cleared of men except
the Long Serpent, on board of which all who could
still carry their arms were gathered. Then Iron
Beard lay side by side with the Serpent, and the
fight went on with battle-axe and sword. So says
Haldor : —
'^' Hard pressed on ever side by foes.
The Serpent reels beneath the blows;
Crash go the shields around the bow !
Breat-plates and breasts pierced thro' and thro' !
In the sword-storm the Holm beside,
The Iron Beard lay alongside
The king's Long Serpent of the sea —
Fate gave the earl the victory."
Chatter
CXVIL
Of Earl
Eric.
Earl Eric was in the forehold of his ship, where a
cover of shields* had been set up. In the fight, both
hewing weapons, sword, and axe, and the thrust of
spears had been used ; and all that could be used as
weapon for casting was cast. Some used bows, some
threw spears with the hand. So many weapons were
cast into the Serpent, and so thick flew spears and
arrows, that the shields could scarcely receive them ;
for on all sides the Serpent was surrounded by war
ships. Then King Olaf 's men became so mad with rage,
that they ran on board of the enemies' ships, to get at
the people with stroke of sword and kill them ; but
many did not lay themselves so near the Serpent, in
order to escape the close encounter with battle-axe
or sword ; and thus the most of Olaf 's men went over-
board and sank under their weapons, thinking they
were fighting on plain ground. So says Halfred: —
* Both in land and sea fights the commanders appear to have been
protected from missile weapons, — stones, arrows, spears, — by a shield-
biirg ; that is, by a party of men bearing shields surrounding them in
such a way that the shields were a parapet, covering those within the
circle. The Romans had a similar military arrangement of shields in
sieges — the testudo.
KINGS OF NORWAY. 479
The daring lads shrink not from death, — saga Vr.
O'erboard they leap, and sink beneath
The Serpent's keel : all armed they leap,
And down they sink five fathoms deep.
The foe was daunted at their cheers :
The king, who still the Serpent steers.
In such a strait — beset with foes —
Wanted but some more lads like those."
Einar Tambarskelver, one of the sharpest of bow- Chapter
r . CXVIII
shooters, stood by the mast, and shot with his bow. of Einar
Einar shot an arrow at Earl Eric, which hit the tiller- Tambar-
' . skelver.
end jnst above the earl's head so hard that it entered
the wood up to the arrow-shaft. The earl looked
that way, and asked if they knew who had shot ; and
at the same moment another arrow flew between his
hand and his side, and into the stuffing of the chief's
stool, so that the barb stood far out on the other side.
Then said the earl to a man called Fin, — but some
say he was of Finn (Laplander) race, and was a supe-
rior archer, — " Shoot that tall man by the mast." Fin
shot; and the arrow hit the middle of Einar' s bow
just at the moment that Einar was drawing it, and
the bow was split in two parts.
" What is that," cried King Olaf, " that broke vnth
such a noise ?"
'' Norway, king, from thy hands," cried Einar.
'' No ! not quite so much as that," says the king ;
*' take my bow, and shoot," flinging the bow to him.
Einar took the bow, and drew it over the head of
the arrow. '' Too weak, too weak," said he, " for
the bow of a mighty king ! " and, throwing the bow
aside, he took sword and shield, and fought valiantly.
The king stood on the gangways of the Long Ser- Chapter
pent, and shot the greater part of the day; sometimes okr^"^
with the bow, sometimes with the spear, and always ^»« "len
throwing two spears at once. He looked down over the sw3s
ship's side, and saw that his men struck briskly with
their swords, and yet wounded but seldom. Then he
ffives
480
CHRONICLE OF THE
CHAPTEa
cxx.
The
Serpent
boarded.
SAGA VI. called aloud, " Why do ye strike so gently that ye
seldom cut?" One among the people answered, "The
swords are blunt and full of notches." Then the
king went down into the forehold, opened the chest
under the throne, and took out many sharp swords,
which he handed to his men ; but as he stretched
down his right hand with them, some observed that
blood was running down under his steel glove, but no
one knew where he was wounded.
Desperate was the defence in the Serpent, and there
was the heaviest destruction of men done by the
forecastle crew, and those of the forehold, for in both
places the men were chosen men, and the ship was
highest ; but in the middle of the ship the people
were thinned. Now when Earl Eric saw there were
but few people remaining beside the ship's mast, he
determined to board ; and he entered the Serpent with
four others. Then came Hyrning, the king's brother-
in-law, and some others against him, and there was
the most severe combat ; and at last the earl was
forced to leap back on board the Iron Beard again,
and some who had accompanied him were killed, and
others wounded. Thord Kolbeinsson alludes to this : —
'' On Odin's deck, all wet with blood.
The helm-adorned hero stood ;
And gallant Hyrning honour gained.
Clearing all round with sword deep stained.
The high Fielde peaks shall fall.
Ere men forget this to recall."
Now the fight became hot indeed, and many men
fell on board the Serpent ; and the men on board of
her began to be thinned oJfF, and the defence to be
weaker. The earl resolved to board the Serpent
again, and again he met mth a warm reception. When
the forecastle men of the Serpent saw what he Avas
doing, they went aft and made a desperate fight ; but
so many men of the Serpent had fallen, that the
KINGS OF NORWAY. 481
ship's sides were in many places quite bare of de- sagaji.
fenders ; and the earl's men poured in all around into
the vessel, and all the men who were still able to de-
fend the ship crowded aft to the king, and arrayed
themselves for his defence. So says Haldor the Un-
christian : —
" Eric cheers on his men, —
' On to the charge again ! '
The gallant few
Of Olaf 's crew
Must refuge take
On the quarter-deck.
Around the king
They stand in ring;
Their shields enclose
The king from foes,
And the few who still remain
Fight madly, but in vain.
Eric cheers on his men —
^ On to the charge again ! ' "
Kolbiorn the marshal, who had on clothes and arms Chapter
CXXI
like the king's, and was a remarkably stout and hand- The Ser-
some man, went up to the king on the quarter-deck, l^^^^l^^''^''
The battle was still going on fiercely even in the fore-
hold.* But as many of the earl's men had now got
into the Serpent as could find room, and his ships lay
all round her, and few were the people left in the Ser-
pent for defence against so great a force; and in a
short time most of the Serpent's men fell, brave and
stout though they were. King Olaf and Kolbiorn the
marshal both sprang overboard, each on his own side
of the ship ; but the earl's men had laid out boats
g,round the Serpent, and killed those who leaped over-
board. Now when the king had sprung overboard,
they tried to seize him with their hands, and bring
* From the occasional descriptions of vessels in this and other battles,
it may be inferred that even the Long Serpent, described in the 95th
Chapter as of 150 feet of keel, was only decked fore and aft; the 34
benches for rowers occupying the open area in the middle, and probably
gangways running along the sides for communicating from the quarter-
deck to the forecastle.
VOL. I. II
482 CHRONICLE OF THE
sAGAjri. i^yj^ ^Q ^slyI Eric ; but King Olaf threw his shield over
his head, and sank beneath the waters. Kolbiorn
held his shield behind him to protect himself from
the spears cast at him from the ships which lay round
the Serpent, and he fell so upon his shield that it
came under him, so that he could not sink so quickly.
He was thus taken and brought into a boat, and they
supposed he was the king. He was brought before
the earl ; and when the earl saw it was Kolbiorn, and
not the king, he gave him his life. At the same mo-
ment all of King Olaf 's men who were in life sprang
overboard from the Serpent ; and Thorkel Nefia, the
king's brother, was the last of all the men who sprang
overboard. It is thus told concerning the king by
Halfred : —
'^ The Serpent and the Crane
Lay wrecks upon the main.
On his sword he cast a glance, —
With it he saw no chance.
To his marshal, who of yore
Many a war-chance had come o'er,
He spoke a word — then drew in breath.
And sprang to his deep-sea death."
Chapter Earl Si2:vald, as before related, came from Yend-
CXXII ...
Of the re- laiid, iu compauy with King Olaf, with ten ships;
port among |^^-^^ ^|^^ elcvcnth sliip was manned with the men of
the people -L
of the Astrid, the king's daughter, the wife of Earl Sigvald.
Now when King Olaf sprang overboard, the whole
army raised a shout of victory ; and then Earl Sigvald
and his men put their oars in the water and rowed
towards the battle. Haldor the Unchristian tells of
it thus : —
*' Then first the Vendland vessels came
Into the fight with little fame;
The fight still lingered on the wave,
Tho' hope was gone with Olaf brave.
War, like a full-fed ravenous beast.
Still oped her grim jaws for the feast.
The few who stood now quickly fled.
When the shout told — ' Olaf is dead ! ' "
island.
^ KINGS OF NORWAY. 483
But the Vendland cutter, in which Astrid's men saga vi.
were, rowed back to Vendland ; and the report went
immediately abroad, and was told by many, that King
Olaf had cast off his coat of mail under water, and
had swam, diving under the long-ships, until he came
to the Vendland cutter, and that Astrid's men had
conveyed him to Vendland: and many tales have
been made since about the adventures of Olaf the
king. Halfred speaks thus about it : —
'' Does Olaf live ? or is he dead ?
Has he the hungry ravens fed ?
I scarcely know what I should say,
For many tell the tale each way.
This I can say, nor fear to lie.
That he was wounded grievously, —
So wounded in this bloody strife,
He scarce could come away with life."
But however this may have been. King Olaf
Tryggvesson never came back again to his kingdom
of Norway. Halfred Vandrasdaskald speaks also thus
about it: —
^^ The witness who reports this thing
Of Tryggvesson, our gallant king.
Once served the king, and truth should tell,
For Olaf hated lies like hell.
If Olaf 'scaped from this sword-thing.
Worse fate, I fear, befell our king
Than people guess, or e'er can know.
For he was hemm'd in by the foe.
From the far east some news is rife
Of king sore wounded saving life ;
His death, too sure, leaves me no care
For cobweb rumours in the air.
It never was the will of fate
That Olaf from such perilous strait
Should 'scape with life: this truth may grieve —
' What people wish they soon believe.' "
By this victory Earl Eric Hakonson became owner J&ITTy^
of the Long Serpent, and made a great booty besides ; of Eari
and he steered the Serpent from the battle. So says ^""of '^
Haldor : — Hakon.
'' Olaf, with glittering helmet crowned.
Had steered the Serpent through the Sound ;
I I 2
484 CHRONICLE OF THE ^
SAGA VL And people dressed their boats^ and cheered.
As Olaf s fleet in splendour steered.
But the descendant of great Hemming,
Whose race tells many a gallant sea-king.
His blue sword in red life-blood stained,
And bravely Olaf 's long-ship gained."
Swend, a son of Earl Hakon, and Earl Eric's bro-
ther, was engaged at this time to marry Holmfrid, a
daughter of King Olaf the Swedish king. Now when
Swend the Danish king, Olaf the Swedish king, and
Earl Eric divided the kingdom of Norway between
them, King Olaf got four districts in the Drontheim
country, and also the districts of More and Raumsdal ;
and in the east part of the land he got Ranrige, from
the Gotha river to Swinesund. Olaf gave these do-
minions into Earl Swend's hands, on the same condi-
tions as the sub-kings or earls had held them formerly
from the upper-king of the country. Earl Eric got
four districts in the Drontheim country, and Haloga-
land, Naumadal, the Fiord districts, Sogn, Horda-
land, Rogaland, and North Agder, all the way to the
Naze. So says Thord Kolbeinsson : —
" All chiefs within our land
On Eric's side now stand :
Erling alone, I know,
Remains Earl Eric's foe.
All praise our generous earl, —
* He gives, and is no churl :
All men are well content
Fate such a chief has sent.
From Veg to Agder they.
Well pleased, the earl obey ;
And all will by him stand, ^
To guard the Norsemen's land. ^
And now the news is spread ^
That mighty Swend is dead, »
And luck is gone from those ^
Who were the Norsemen's foes."
The Danish king Swend retained Viken as he had
held it before, but he gave Raumarike and Hederaark
to Earl Eric. Swend Hakonson got the title of earl
KINGS OF NORWAY. 485
from Olaf the Swedish king. Swend was one of the saga vi.
handsomest men ever seen. The earls Eric and Swend
both allowed themselves to be baptized, and took up
the true faith ; but as long as they ruled in Norway
they allowed every one to do as he pleased in holding
by his Christianity. But, on the other hand, they
held fast by the old laws, and all the old rights and
customs of the land, and were excellent men and good
rulers. Earl Eric had most to say of the two brothers
in all matters of government.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
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